Los filipinos chinos [a] (a veces denominados chinos filipinos en Filipinas ) son filipinos de ascendencia china con ascendencia principalmente de Fujian , [4] pero generalmente nacen y se crían en Filipinas . [4] Los filipinos chinos son una de las comunidades chinas de ultramar más grandes del sudeste asiático. [5]
La inmigración china a Filipinas se produjo principalmente durante la colonización española de las islas entre los siglos XVI y XIX, atraídos por el lucrativo comercio de los galeones de Manila . Durante esta época, se les conocía como Sangley , que eran en su mayoría personas de habla hokkien , que más tarde se convirtieron en el grupo dominante dentro de la comunidad filipino-china. [6] [7] En el siglo XIX, la migración fue provocada por el gobierno corrupto y malo de la última dinastía Qing , combinado con problemas económicos en China debido a las guerras coloniales occidentales y japonesas y las Guerras del Opio . [8] Posteriormente continuó durante el siglo XX, desde la época colonial estadounidense , pasando por la era posterior a la independencia hasta la Guerra Fría , hasta la actualidad . En 2013, según registros más antiguos en poder del Senado de Filipinas , había aproximadamente 1,35 millones de chinos étnicos (o puros) dentro de la población filipina, mientras que los filipinos con cualquier ascendencia china comprendían 22,8 millones de la población. [1] [9] Sin embargo, las cifras actuales reales no se conocen ya que el censo filipino no suele tener en cuenta preguntas sobre la etnicidad . [10] [9] En consecuencia, el barrio chino más antiguo del mundo se encuentra en Binondo, Manila , fundado el 8 de diciembre de 1594.
Los filipinos chinos son un grupo étnico de clase media bien establecido y están bien representados en todos los niveles de la sociedad filipina. [11] Los filipinos chinos también juegan un papel principal en el sector empresarial filipino y dominan la economía filipina hoy en día. [12] [11] [13] [14] [15] La mayoría de los integrantes de la lista actual de los más ricos de Filipinas cada año comprenden multimillonarios taipanes de origen chino filipino. [16] Algunos en la lista de las familias políticas en Filipinas también son de origen chino filipino, mientras que la mayor parte también son descendientes de mestizos chinos de la era colonial española ( mestizo de Sangley ), de los cuales, muchas familias de tal origen también componen una parte considerable de la población filipina , especialmente su burguesía , [17] [18] quienes durante la última era colonial española a fines del siglo XIX, produjeron una parte importante de la intelectualidad ilustrada de las últimas Filipinas coloniales españolas , que fueron muy influyentes en la creación del nacionalismo filipino y el estallido de la Revolución filipina como parte de la fundación de la Primera República Filipina y las posteriores Filipinas soberanas e independientes . [19]
La organización Kaisa para sa Kaunlaran (Unidad para el Progreso) omite el guión para el término chino filipino, ya que el término es un sustantivo. El Manual de Estilo de Chicago y la APA , entre otros, también omiten el guión. Cuando se utiliza como adjetivo en su totalidad, puede adoptar una forma con guión o puede permanecer sin cambios. [20] [21] [22]
Existen varios términos universalmente aceptados que se utilizan en Filipinas para referirse a los filipinos chinos: [ cita requerida ]
Otros términos que se utilizan con referencia a China incluyen:
En este artículo se utiliza el término "filipino indígena" o simplemente "filipino" para referirse a los habitantes austronesios anteriores a la conquista española de las islas. Durante el período colonial español se utilizó el término indio . [ cita requerida ]
Sin embargo, los matrimonios mixtos ocurrieron principalmente durante el período colonial español porque los inmigrantes chinos a Filipinas hasta el siglo XIX eran predominantemente hombres. [ cita requerida ] Fue solo en el siglo XX que las mujeres y los niños chinos llegaron en cantidades comparables. [ cita requerida ] Hoy en día, las poblaciones masculinas y femeninas filipinas chinas son prácticamente iguales en número. Los mestizos chinos, como resultado de los matrimonios mixtos durante el período colonial español, a menudo optaron por casarse con otros chinos o mestizos chinos. [ cita requerida ] Generalmente, mestizos chinos es un término que se refiere a personas con un padre chino.
Según esta definición, los filipinos de etnia china representan el 1,8% (1,35 millones) de la población. [23] Sin embargo, esta cifra no incluye a los mestizos chinos que desde la época española han formado parte de la clase media de la sociedad filipina [ cita requerida ] ni tampoco incluye a los inmigrantes chinos de la República Popular China desde 1949.
Los chinos de etnia Han navegaron por las Filipinas desde el siglo IX en adelante y con frecuencia interactuaron con el pueblo austronesio local. [24] Las interacciones entre chinos y austronesios comenzaron inicialmente como trueque y artículos. [25] Esto se evidencia por una colección de artefactos chinos encontrados en aguas filipinas, que datan del siglo X. [25] Desde los tiempos de la dinastía Song en China y los tiempos precoloniales en Filipinas, ya se puede observar evidencia de contacto comercial en la cerámica china encontrada en sitios arqueológicos, como en Santa Ana, Manila . [25]
En el año 972 d. C., los anales de la dinastía Song mencionaron brevemente "麻逸" ( Ma-i , o en chino hokkien :麻逸; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Mâ-i̍t ), que generalmente se acepta que está ubicada en la isla de Mindoro , al suroeste de Manila. Un año antes, los anales registraron la llegada de comerciantes de Ma-i a Cantón, y luego en 982 d. C. En el siglo XI, los estados (o asentamientos principales) registrados por la Oficina local de Comercio Marítimo son Butuan , escrito en los registros como "蒲端" ( chino hokkien :蒲端; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Pô͘-toan ) y Sanmalan registrado como "三麻蘭" ( chino hokkien :三麻蘭; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Sam-mâ-lân ), cuyos comerciantes se presentaron como enviados que pagaban tributos a China. Continuaron el comercio con la corte Song en los años 1004, 1007 y 1011 y trajeron cerámica china a casa. Un siglo después, además de Ma-i, la oficina registró otros estados de las Filipinas, Baipuer ( Islas Babuyan ) y el grupo de islas conocidas colectivamente como "Sandao" o "Sanyu", que eran Jamayan (ahora Calamian , registrada como "加麻延" ( chino hokkien :加麻延; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Ka-mâ-iân )), Balaoyu ( Palawan , registrada como "巴姥酉" ( chino hokkien :巴姥酉; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Pa-ló-iú )) y Pulihuan (la ubicación aproximada es Manila , o áreas cercanas a ella, registrada como "蒲裏喚" ( chino hokkien :蒲裏喚; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Estos comerciantes nativos pertenecían en su mayoría a la élite. En un registro de la dinastía Song, un hombre de Sandao era tratado con respeto después de que regresara a casa desde Quanzhou , ya que una tradición única parecía provenir de la aldea del nativo de que un hombre que había estado en China era reverenciado. En 1007 d. C., un jefe local de Butuan envió un enviado a China, solicitando un estatus igual al de Champa, sin embargo, esto fue rechazado porque la corte Song parece haber favorecido a Champa. [26] [27]
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Cuando los españoles llegaron a Filipinas, ya había una población significativa de inmigrantes de China, todos ellos varones debido a la relación entre los barangays (ciudades-estado) de la isla de Luzón y la dinastía Ming. [ cita requerida ] "Sangley" era el término utilizado durante el período colonial español en Filipinas para referirse a cualquier persona étnicamente china, independientemente de su origen ancestral específico en China. En el caso de Filipinas, la mayoría provenía de la provincia de Fujian en China, principalmente el pueblo Min del Sur en el sur de Fujian , específicamente el pueblo Hokkien , que habla el idioma Hokkien del sur de Fujian (también conocido en Filipinas como Fukien o Fookien). El pueblo Hokkien tiene su propia cultura, idioma y sistemas de creencias religiosas únicos, diferentes de otros grupos étnicos en China. [28] [29]
El primer encuentro de las autoridades españolas con los chinos se produjo cuando varios piratas chinos bajo el liderazgo de Limahong atacaron y sitiaron la recién establecida capital de Manila en 1574. Los piratas intentaron capturar la ciudad, pero fueron derrotados por las fuerzas combinadas españolas y nativas bajo el liderazgo de Juan de Salcedo en 1575. Casi simultáneamente, el almirante imperial chino Homolcong llegó a Manila, donde fue bien recibido. A su partida llevó consigo a dos sacerdotes, que se convirtieron en los primeros misioneros católicos en China enviados desde Filipinas. Esta visita fue seguida por la llegada de barcos chinos a Manila en mayo de 1603 con funcionarios chinos con el sello del Imperio Ming. Esto llevó a sospechas de que los chinos habían enviado una flota para intentar conquistar las islas. Sin embargo, al ver las fuertes defensas de la ciudad, los chinos no hicieron movimientos hostiles. [ cita requerida ] Regresaron a China sin mostrar ningún motivo particular para el viaje y sin que ninguno de los bandos mencionara el motivo aparente. [ cita requerida ] Se iniciaron las fortificaciones de Manila, con un colono chino llamado Engcang, que ofreció sus servicios al gobernador. [ cita requerida ] Fue rechazado y un plan para masacrar a los españoles se extendió rápidamente entre los habitantes chinos de Manila. La revuelta fue rápidamente aplastada por los españoles, que terminó en una masacre a gran escala de los sangley no católicos en Manila.
Las autoridades españolas comenzaron a restringir las actividades de los inmigrantes chinos y los confinaron en Parían , cerca de Intramuros . Con pocas posibilidades de empleo y sin derecho a poseer tierras, la mayoría de ellos se dedicaban a pequeños negocios o actuaban como artesanos cualificados para las autoridades coloniales españolas.
Las autoridades españolas diferenciaron a los inmigrantes chinos en dos grupos: los parían (no conversos) y los binondo (conversos). [ cita requerida ] Muchos inmigrantes se convirtieron al catolicismo y debido a la falta de mujeres chinas, se casaron con mujeres indígenas y adoptaron nombres y costumbres hispanizadas. Los hijos de las uniones entre indígenas filipinos y chinos fueron llamados mestizos de sangley o mestizos chinos, mientras que los de españoles y chinos fueron llamados tornatrás . [ cita requerida ] La población china ocupó originalmente la zona de Binondo aunque con el tiempo se extendió por todas las islas, y se convirtieron en comerciantes, prestamistas y terratenientes. [ 18 ]
En el siglo XVII, el P. Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga realizó un censo de la Arquidiócesis de Manila , que tenía la mayor parte de Luzón bajo su cuidado espiritual, e informó que los tributos representaban una familia promedio de 5 a 7 por tributo; en cuyo caso había 90.243 tributos filipinos nativos; [30] : 539 10.512 tributos chinos (Sangley) y mestizos chinos filipinos mixtos; [30] : 537 y 10.517 tributos mestizos filipinos españoles mixtos . [30] : 539 Los españoles puros no fueron contabilizados, ya que estaban exentos del tributo. De estos, el P. Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga estimó un recuento de población total que excedía el medio millón de almas, y los chinos y los mestizos chinos formaban 10.512 del tributo total de 110.000+. [30] : 537 En las provincias: Pampanga albergaba a 870 tributos/familias chino-filipinos, [30] : 460 la ciudad de Pasig tenía la mitad de sus 3000 tributos/familias, de los cuales 1500 eran filipinos chinos. [30] : 296 En 1603, Manila también albergaba a 25 000 inmigrantes chinos. [30] : 260 Ilocos , que era una obispado independiente de la archidiócesis de Manila, tenía una población china comparativamente grande que contaba con 10 041 familias chino-filipinas. [31] : 9 La provincia de Laguna tenía 2000 agricultores/familias chino-filipinas. [32] : 124 Biñan, por otro lado, tenía 256 tributos chino-filipinos. [32] : 142
Los españoles, que inicialmente vieron a los sangley como una buena fuente de mano de obra y comercio para la colonia, gradualmente fueron cambiando de perspectiva debido a las supuestas amenazas de invasión china, que históricamente nunca se materializaron. A pesar de todo, los españoles, incluido el clero, buscaron formas de justificar la limitación o expulsión de la población sangley en Filipinas. Las principales disputas se basaban a menudo en motivos de moralidad religiosa, como los vicios de la sodomía por parte de los homosexuales , [33] el juego, la avaricia y similares que los frailes españoles identificaban entre los sangley no cristianos. [34]
Durante la Revolución filipina de 1898, los mestizos de Sangley (mestizos chinos) terminarían refiriéndose a sí mismos como filipinos , [ cita requerida ] que durante ese tiempo se refería a los españoles nacidos en Filipinas. Los mestizos chinos luego avivarían las llamas de la Revolución filipina. [ cita requerida ] Muchos líderes de la Revolución filipina tienen ascendencia china sustancial. Estos incluyen a Emilio Aguinaldo , Andrés Bonifacio , Marcelo del Pilar , Antonio Luna , José Rizal y Manuel Tinio . [35]
En algún momento del año 1750, un joven aventurero llamado Wo Sing Lok, también conocido como "Sin Lok", llegó a Manila, Filipinas. El viajero de 12 años provenía de Amoy, el antiguo nombre de Xiamen, una isla conocida en la antigüedad como "La puerta de entrada a China", cerca de la desembocadura del río Jiulong "Nueve Dragones", en la parte sur de la provincia de Fujian.
Anteriormente, en Manila, los inmigrantes procedentes de China eran llevados en manada al centro comercial chino llamado "Parian". Después de la Rebelión Sangley de 1603, las autoridades españolas lo destruyeron e incendiaron. Tres décadas después, los comerciantes chinos construyeron un Parian nuevo y más grande cerca de Intramuros.
Por temor a un levantamiento chino similar al de Manila, las autoridades españolas, aplicando el decreto real del gobernador general Juan de Vargas del 17 de julio de 1679, acorralaron a los chinos de Iloilo y los recluyeron en el Parian (actualmente calle Avanceña). Obligaron a todos los chinos solteros locales a vivir en el Parian y a todos los chinos casados a quedarse en Binondo. Más tarde se establecieron enclaves chinos similares o "Parian" en Camarines Sur, Cebú e Iloilo. [36]
Sin Lok junto con los progenitores de los Lacson, Sayson, Ditching, Layson, Ganzon, Sanson y otras familias que huyeron del sur de China durante el reinado de la despótica dinastía Qing (1644-1912) en el siglo XVIII y llegaron a Maynilad; finalmente, decidieron navegar más al sur y desembarcaron en el puerto del río Batiano para establecerse permanentemente en "Parian" cerca de La Villa Rica de Arévalo en Iloilo. [37] [38]
Durante el período colonial estadounidense , la Ley de Exclusión de los Chinos en los Estados Unidos también se puso en vigor en Filipinas. [39] Sin embargo, los chinos pudieron establecerse en Filipinas con la ayuda de otros filipinos chinos, a pesar de la estricta aplicación de la ley estadounidense, generalmente "adoptando" parientes del continente o asumiendo identidades completamente nuevas con nuevos nombres.
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La posición privilegiada de los chinos como intermediarios de la economía bajo el dominio colonial español [40] cayó rápidamente, ya que los estadounidenses favorecieron a la principalía (élite educada) formada por mestizos chinos y mestizos españoles. Cuando comenzó el dominio estadounidense en Filipinas, los eventos en China continental a partir de la Rebelión Taiping , la Guerra Civil China y la Rebelión de los Bóxers llevaron a la caída de la dinastía Qing , lo que llevó a miles de chinos de Fujian en China a migrar en masa a Filipinas para evitar la pobreza, el empeoramiento de la hambruna y la persecución política. Este grupo eventualmente formó la mayor parte de la población actual de filipinos chinos no mezclados. [35]
A partir de la Segunda Guerra Mundial , los soldados y guerrilleros chinos se unieron a la lucha contra las Fuerzas Imperiales Japonesas durante la Ocupación Japonesa en Filipinas (1941-1945). [ cita requerida ] El 9 de abril de 1942, muchos prisioneros de guerra filipinos chinos fueron asesinados por las fuerzas japonesas durante la Marcha de la Muerte de Bataan después de la caída de Bataan y Corregidor en 1942. [ cita requerida ] Los filipinos chinos se integraron en las Fuerzas Armadas de los EE. UU. del Primer y Segundo Regimiento de Infantería Filipina del Ejército de los Estados Unidos . [ cita requerida ] Después de la caída de Bataan y Corregidor en 1942, los filipinos chinos se unieron como soldados en una unidad militar del Ejército de la Commonwealth de Filipinas bajo el mando militar de los EE. UU. como un brazo de tierra de las Fuerzas Armadas de Filipinas (AFP) que inició las batallas entre las Contrainsurgencias Japonesas y los Liberadores Aliados de 1942 a 1945 para luchar contra las fuerzas imperiales japonesas. Algunos filipinos chinos que se unieron como soldados se integraron en el 11.º, 14.º, 15.º, 66.º y 121.º Regimiento de Infantería de las Fuerzas Armadas de los EE. UU. en Filipinas [ cita requerida ] – Luzón del Norte (USAFIP-NL) bajo la unidad militar del Ejército de la Commonwealth de Filipinas comenzó la Liberación en el Norte de Luzón y ayudó a las provincias de Ilocos Norte , Ilocos Sur , La Unión , Abra , Provincia de Montaña, Cagayán , Isabela y Nueva Vizcaya en el ataque a las fuerzas imperiales japonesas. Muchos filipinos chinos se unieron al movimiento guerrillero de la unidad de combate de resistencia guerrillera antijaponesa filipino-china o Movimiento Wha-Chi , [ cita requerida ] la Unidad Ampaw bajo el mando del coronel Chua Sy Tiao [ cita requerida ] y el 48.º Escuadrón chino filipino desde 1942 hasta 1946 en el ataque a las fuerzas japonesas. [ cita requerida ] Miles de soldados y guerrilleros filipinos chinos murieron por heroísmo en Filipinas entre 1941 y 1945 durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. [ cita requerida ] Miles de veteranos filipinos chinos están enterrados en el Santuario de la Libertad de los Mártires de los Chinos Filipinos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ubicado en Manila. [ cita requerida ]La nueva unidad entre los inmigrantes étnicos chinos y los filipinos indígenas contra un enemigo común, los japoneses, sirvió como catalizador en la formación de una identidad chino-filipina que comenzó a considerar a Filipinas como su hogar. [41]
Bajo la administración de Ferdinand Marcos , los chinos filipinos llamados "lao cao" ( chino hokkien filipino :老猴; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : lāu-kâu , que significa "gente mayor" o literalmente, "mono viejo" (una referencia cómica al Rey Mono (Sun Wukong) de la antigua y famosa novela clásica china , Viaje al Oeste )), es decir, los chinos en Filipinas que adquirieron la ciudadanía, se referían solo a aquellos que llegaron al país antes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A los que llegaron después de la guerra se les llamaba "jiu qiao" ( chino mandarín simplificado :旧侨; chino tradicional :舊僑; pinyin : jiù qiáo ; lit. 'viejo peregrino'). Eran residentes que llegaron desde China (generalmente también desde el sur de Fujian ) a través del Hong Kong británico , como por North Point , Causeway Bay o Kowloon Bay , entre los años 1950 y 1980. [42]
Las escuelas chinas en Filipinas, que estaban regidas por el Ministerio de Educación de la República de China ( Taiwán ), fueron transferidas a la jurisdicción del Departamento de Educación del gobierno filipino . Se ordenó el cierre de prácticamente todas las escuelas chinas o bien limitar el tiempo asignado a las asignaturas de lengua, historia y cultura chinas de cuatro a dos horas y, en su lugar, dedicarlas al estudio de las lenguas y la cultura filipinas. [ cita requerida ] Las políticas de Marcos finalmente llevaron a la asimilación formal de los filipinos chinos a la sociedad filipina dominante, [43] a la mayoría se les concedió la ciudadanía, bajo la administración de Corazón Aquino y Fidel Ramos. [42]
Tras la Revolución del Poder Popular de febrero de 1986 (EDSA 1), los filipinos chinos ganaron rápidamente atención nacional cuando Cory Aquino , un mestiza chino de Tarlac de la influyente familia Cojuangco, asumió la presidencia. [44]
A pesar de obtener mejores protecciones, los crímenes contra los filipinos chinos todavía estaban presentes, de la misma manera que los crímenes contra otros grupos étnicos en Filipinas, ya que el país todavía estaba luchando contra los efectos económicos persistentes del régimen de Marcos. [ cita requerida ] [45] [46] Todo esto llevó a la formación de la primera organización chino filipina, Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran, Inc. (Unidad para el Progreso) por Teresita Ang-See [b] , que pidió el entendimiento mutuo entre los chinos étnicos y los filipinos nativos. Aquino fomentó la prensa libre y la armonía cultural, un proceso que llevó al florecimiento de los medios de comunicación en idioma chino [47] Durante este tiempo, llegó la tercera ola de inmigrantes chinos. Se les conoce como "xin qiao" ( chino mandarín simplificado :新侨; chino tradicional :新僑; pinyin : xīn qiáo ; lit. 'nuevo peregrino'), turistas o visitantes temporales con documentos falsos, residencias permanentes falsas o pasaportes filipinos falsos que comenzaron a llegar a partir de la década de 1990 durante la administración de Fidel Ramos y Joseph Estrada. [42]
Durante el siglo XXI, más filipinos chinos recibieron la ciudadanía filipina. La influencia china en el país aumentó durante la presidencia pro-China de Gloria Arroyo. [48] Se dice que los negocios de los filipinos chinos mejoraron bajo la presidencia de Benigno Aquino, mientras que la migración de chinos continentales a Filipinas disminuyó debido al enfoque pro-filipino y pro-estadounidense de Aquino en el manejo de las disputas con China. [49] La migración china "Xin qiao" desde China continental a Filipinas se intensificó desde 2016 hasta el presente, [42] debido a las controvertidas políticas pro-China de la presidencia de Rodrigo Duterte, que priorizan las empresas POGO chinas . [50]
La comunidad filipina china ha expresado su preocupación por las disputas en curso entre China y Filipinas , y la mayoría prefiere enfoques pacíficos para la disputa a fin de salvaguardar sus propios negocios privados. [42] [51] La comunidad también ha expresado su preocupación por el creciente sentimiento antichino de los filipinos como resultado de los problemas relacionados con las empresas POGO y las investigaciones sobre los antecedentes de la ex alcaldesa de Bamban, Alice Guo , quien fue acusada por las autoridades de tener conexiones con una empresa POGO en dicho municipio. [52]
La mayoría de los filipinos chinos en Filipinas son hokkien , históricamente hablando hokkien . Muchos filipinos chinos son de cuarta, tercera o segunda generación; en general, ciudadanos filipinos por nacimiento que aún pueden reconocer sus raíces chinas y tienen parientes chinos en China, así como en otros países del sudeste asiático, Australasia o América del Norte.
Según un estudio de alrededor de 30.000 lápidas en el Cementerio Chino de Manila en Metro Manila con lugares de nacimiento o lugares ancestrales de los enterrados marcados, el 89,26% eran de la región de habla hokkien del sur de Min en el sur de Fujian , mientras que el 9,86% eran de regiones cantonesas en la provincia de Guangdong (Cantón) . Más específicamente en aquellos de la región de Min Meridional, el 65,01% provenía de Jinjiang (晉江; Chìn-kang ) [de la costa de Quanzhou ], el 17,25% de Nan'an (南安; Lâm-oaⁿ ) [de la costa de Quanzhou ], el 7,94% de Xiamen (廈門; Ē-mn̂g ) ( ciudad propiamente dicha de Xiamen ), el 2,90% de Hui'an (惠安; Hūi-oaⁿ ) [de la costa de Quanzhou ], el 1,52% de Longxi (龍溪; Liông-khe ) [dentro de Longhai , costa de Zhangzhou ], el 1,21% de Siming (思明; Su-bêng ) [distrito meridional de Xiamen o Xiamen en sí], el 1,14% de Quanzhou. (泉州; Choân-chiu ) ( ciudad de Quanzhou propiamente dicha), 1,10% de Tong'an (同安; Tâng-oaⁿ ) [de la costa de Xiamen ], 0,83% de Shishi (石狮; Chio̍h-sai ) [de la costa de Quanzhou ], 0,57% de Yongchun (永春; Éng-chhun ) [del interior de Quanzhou] y 0,53% de Anxi (安溪; An-khoe ) [del interior de Quanzhou]. [53]
Según un estudio realizado del 27 al 29 de marzo de 2005 por dos académicos, Gyo Miyabara e Ito Jiménez, en Metro Cebú , inspeccionaron 1.436 lápidas de filipinos chinos en cinco cementerios de Cebú , a saber, Cebu Memorial Park, Queen City Memorial Park, Manila Memorial Park Cebu (Liloan), Cebu Chinese Cemetery (宿務華僑義山) y Ludo Memorial Park. Las lápidas inspeccionadas con lugares de nacimiento o lugares ancestrales marcados de China de los enterrados fueron las siguientes: 669 tumbas (46,6%) provenían de Jinjiang (晉江; Chìn-kang ) [de la costa de Quanzhou ], 362 tumbas (25,2%) de Nan'an (南安; Lâm-oaⁿ ) [de la costa de Quanzhou ], 147 tumbas (10,2%) del distrito de Huli (湖里區; Ô͘-lí-khu , antiguo禾山; Hô-soaⁿ ) [del norte de Xiamen ], 80 tumbas (5,6%) del distrito de Siming (思明區; Su-bêng-khu ) [del sur de Xiamen ], 46 tumbas (3,2%) de Kinmen (金門; Kim-mn̂g ), 31 tumbas (2,2%) de Guangdong ( chino :廣東; Jyutping : gwong 2 dung 1 ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Kńg-tang ), 11 tumbas (0,8%) de Shishi (石狮; Chio̍h-sai ) [de la costa de Quanzhou ] y 45 tumbas (3,1%) de otras partes de China o sin etiquetar. [54]
Los filipinos chinos que tienen raíces como pueblo Hokkien (福建人/閩南人) tienen predominantemente antepasados que vinieron del sur de Fujian y generalmente hablan o al menos tienen el filipino Hokkien como lengua heredada . Forman la mayor parte de los colonos chinos en Filipinas durante o después del período colonial español , y se asentaron o se extendieron principalmente desde Metro Manila y ciudades clave en Luzón como Angeles City , Baguio , Dagupan , Ilagan , Laoag , Lucena , Tarlac y Vigan . así como en las principales ciudades de Visayan y Mindanao como Bacolod , Cagayan de Oro , Cotabato , Metro Cebu , Metro Davao , Dumaguete , General Santos , Iligan , Metro Iloilo , Ormoc , Tacloban , Tagbilaran y Zamboanga .
Pueblos Hokkien , también conocidos en fukienese/hokkienese/fookienese/fujianese o en chino simplificado filipino hokkien :咱人/福建人/闽南人; chino tradicional :咱儂 / 福建儂 / 閩南儂; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Lán-nâng / Lán-lâng / Nán-nâng / Hok-kiàn-lâng / Bân-lâm-lâng o en chino mandarín simplificado :福建人 / 闽南人; chino tradicional :福建人 / 閩南人; pinyin : Los fújiànren / mǐnnánrén constituyen el 98,7% de todos los chinos étnicos no mezclados en Filipinas. De los hokkien, aproximadamente el 75% son de la prefectura de Quanzhou (especialmente alrededor de la ciudad de Jinjiang ), el 23% son de la prefectura de Zhangzhou y el 2% son de la ciudad de Xiamen. . [55]
Los filipinos chinos descendientes de hokkiens dominan actualmente las industrias ligera y pesada , así como los sectores empresarial e inmobiliario de la economía filipina . Muchos filipinos chinos descendientes de hokkiens más jóvenes también están ingresando en los campos de la banca, la informática, la ingeniería, las finanzas y la medicina.
Hasta la fecha, la mayoría de los emigrantes y residentes permanentes de China continental , así como la gran mayoría de los taiwaneses en Filipinas, también son de ascendencia hokkien.
Lingüísticamente relacionados con el pueblo Hokkien están los Teochew ( chino filipino Hokkien :潮州人; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Tiô-chiu-lâng o en chino mandarín :潮州人; pinyin : Cháozhōurén ).
Emigraron en gran número a Filipinas durante el Período Español a la principal isla de Luzón en Filipinas, como el famoso contrabandista Limahong (林阿鳳) y sus seguidores que eran originarios de Raoping , Chaozhou , [56] pero que luego fueron asimilados por matrimonios mixtos con la corriente principal de Hokkien.
A menudo se confunde a los teochews con los hokkien.
Los filipinos chinos que tienen raíces como personas cantonesas ( chino cantonés :廣府人; cantonés de Yale : Gwóng fú yàhn ) tienen antepasados que vinieron de la provincia de Guangdong y hablan o al menos tienen cantonés o taishanese como lengua heredada . Se establecieron en Metro Manila , así como en las principales ciudades de Luzón, como Baguio City , Angeles City , Naga y Olongapo . Muchos también se establecieron en las provincias del norte de Luzón (por ejemplo, Benguet , Cagayan , Ifugao , Ilocos Norte ), especialmente alrededor de Baguio . [57] Ejemplos de personas de ascendencia cantonesa son personas como Ma Mon Luk , las familias Tecson y Ticzon descendientes de los tres hermanos "Tek Sun" de Guangzhou (Cantón) , Guangdong.
El pueblo cantonés ( chino hokkien filipino :廣東人 / 鄉親; pe̍h-ōe-jī : kńg-tang-lâng / hiong-chhin ; chino mandarín simplificado :广东人; chino tradicional :廣東人; pinyin : Guǎngdōngrén ) forma aproximadamente el 1,2% de la población étnica china no mezclada de Filipinas, con un gran número de descendientes originarios de Taishan , Kaiping , [57] Macao , Hong Kong, Cantón (Guangzhou) o áreas cercanas que transitan desde Macao , [57] Hong Kong , [58] Guangzhou (Cantón) . Muchos no fueron/son económicamente tan prósperos como los filipinos chinos hokkien. [57] Prohibidos de poseer tierras durante el Período Colonial Español , la mayoría de los cantoneses se dedicaban a la industria de servicios, trabajando como artesanos, mineros, ayudantes de casa, panaderos, zapateros, trabajadores del metal, barberos, médicos herbolarios, porteadores ( cargadores/coulis ), fabricantes de jabón y sastres. También se casaron con otros filipinos locales durante la Era Colonial Española y muchos de sus descendientes ahora están asimilados como mestizos chinos . También están los que llegaron durante el Período Colonial Americano antes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, especialmente en Baguio como parte de los 700 trabajadores chinos ( cantoneses ) coolie reclutados del Hong Kong británico por los británicos que dirigían la Manila Railroad Company para la construcción de Benguet Road (Kennon Road) junto con los japoneses (que también se quedaron más tarde para convertirse en filipinos japoneses ) y otros filipinos de las tierras bajas . En Baguio, los chinos cantoneses eran conocidos por sus habilidades de carpintería, albañilería y culinaria, por lo que trabajaban en hoteles y lugares como Camp John Hay y montaban negocios como restaurantes, tiendas de comestibles, bazares, ferreterías, tiendas de sari-sari y puestos de pescado seco. La industria maderera, minera y agroindustrial durante la década de 1930 en Baguio también era importante entre los filipinos chinos cantoneses de allí y fue solo en ese momento durante la década de 1930 y después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial cuando los filipinos chinos de Hokkien comenzaron a establecerse en Baguio . [58] En la actualidad, se dedican a la pequeña iniciativa empresarial y a la educación. También hay alrededor de 30 asociaciones filipino-cantonesas en Filipinas, como la Asociación Filipino Cantonesa de Baguio CAR (BFCA-CAR), que se fusionó a partir de la Asociación Cantonesa de Baguio y la Hermandad de Mestizos Filipino-Cantoneses durante 1999. [57] También hay escuelas como la Escuela Patriótica de Baguio y la Escuela Patriótica de Manila .
También hay algunos chinos étnicos de países y territorios asiáticos vecinos, sobre todo de Malasia , Indonesia , Vietnam , Taiwán y Hong Kong, que son ciudadanos filipinos naturalizados y desde entonces han formado parte de la comunidad filipina china. Muchos de ellos también hablan hokkien , y hay un número considerable de hablantes de cantonés y teochew .
Entre los empresarios y enviados chinos residentes temporales se incluyen personas de Beijing, Shanghai y otras ciudades y provincias importantes de toda China.
Los mestizos chinos moros son de ascendencia paterna de chinos han que se casaron con mujeres musulmanas moros de las etnias tausug, sama y maguindanaon y no son descendientes de musulmanes hui . Los moros no siguieron las prohibiciones de la sharia sobre el matrimonio de mujeres musulmanas con no musulmanes. Por lo tanto, los hombres chinos han de los asentamientos del estrecho y de China continental migraron a Mindanao (y las islas de Sulu) y fundaron familias. Estos mestizos celebraban el Año Nuevo chino y las fiestas chinas, incluidas algunas de origen pagano, y practican tabúes culturales han; como el tabú contra el matrimonio entre primos por línea paterna. Los hui en China practican el matrimonio de primos patrilineales del mismo apellido entre sí, algo que no hacen los mestizos chinos moros descendientes de han. Los musulmanes hui observantes tampoco practican las fiestas paganas chinas. Los hombres han continuaron practicando sus propias religiones y fiestas paganas cuando se casaron con mujeres musulmanas moros. Incluso en la década de 1970, el profesor Samuel Kong Tan dijo que entre los chinos y los moros de Sulu todavía era normal que los hombres no musulmanes se casaran con mujeres musulmanas.
Los han que pasaron a formar parte de la comunidad mestiza chino-moro son en su mayoría de origen minnan, ya sea directamente del sur de Fujian, como Xiamen (Amoy), o de los peranakan, que son descendientes de hombres han de habla minnan y mujeres malayas, y una pequeña minoría de ellos son descendientes de otros han, como una familia han del norte que se casó con una mujer tausug. Algunos han de origen hakka o cantonés en Sabah, Borneo, se casaron con mujeres tausug allí antes de que terminara la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
Las familias chinas entre los Tausug incluyen a los Kho, Lim, Teo, Kong y varias familias con el apellido Tan, incluida la familia de Tuchay Tan y Hadji Suug Tan. Estas familias mantienen la práctica china de no permitir matrimonios en las mismas familias paternas con el mismo apellido, y aunque los Tan son varias familias, todavía se adhieren a la regla de evitar el matrimonio entre ellos creyendo que estaban relacionados en el pasado lejano.
La asimilación y los matrimonios mixtos entre los musulmanes locales Moro Tausug y Sama en Sulu y los inmigrantes chinos Han, en contraste con los chinos que vivían en áreas católicas filipinas, se vieron facilitados por las buenas relaciones a lo largo de la historia entre China y Sulu. [59] [60]
Los descendientes mestizos chinos de los hombres chinos Han y las mujeres musulmanas Moro Tausug y Sama se están integrando y disolviendo en la población Tausug y Sama a medida que pierden la práctica de la cultura china, excepto la celebración de algunos festivales y sus nombres chinos. [61] [62] [63] [64] [65]
Se desconoce el número exacto de filipinos con algún tipo de ascendencia china. Se han hecho diversas estimaciones desde el comienzo del período colonial español hasta el presente, que van desde un mínimo del 1% hasta un máximo del 18-27%. La Oficina Nacional de Estadística no realiza encuestas sobre etnicidad. [68]
Según un informe de investigación del historiador Austin Craig, a quien Estados Unidos encargó en 1915 determinar el número total de las distintas razas de Filipinas, los chinos puros, conocidos como sangley , suman alrededor de 20.000 (en 1918), y aproximadamente un tercio de la población de Luzón tiene ascendencia china parcial. Esto viene acompañado de una nota a pie de página sobre la ocultación generalizada y la falta de énfasis en el número exacto de chinos en Filipinas. [69]
Otra fuente que data del período colonial español muestra el crecimiento de la población china y mestiza china hasta casi el 10% de la población filipina en 1894.
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La gran mayoría (74,5%) de los filipinos chinos, especialmente los de Metro Manila y las regiones circundantes , hablan filipino ( tagalo ) y/o inglés filipino como lengua materna. La mayoría de los filipinos chinos (77%) aún conservan la capacidad de comprender y hablar hokkien como segunda o tercera lengua. [70]
El uso del hokkien como primera lengua está aparentemente confinado a la generación mayor y a las familias filipinas chinas que viven en centros filipinos chinos tradicionales, como el distrito Binondo Chinatown de Manila , Caloocan , Davao Chinatown , Cebú y muchas otras partes de Filipinas. En parte debido a la creciente adopción de la nacionalidad filipina durante la era de Marcos Sr. , la mayoría de los filipinos chinos nacidos entre los años 1970 y mediados de los años 1990 tienden a usar inglés , filipino ( tagalo ) y otras lenguas regionales filipinas , que frecuentemente alternan como taglish o mezclan con hokkien como hokaglish . Entre la generación más joven (nacida a partir de mediados de los años 1990), el idioma preferido es a menudo el inglés además de, por supuesto, saber filipino ( tagalo ) [71] y, en la mayoría de las regiones de Filipinas, otras lenguas regionales . [72] Los recién llegados de China continental o Taiwán , a pesar de provenir en su mayoría de zonas tradicionalmente de habla hokkien, suelen utilizar el mandarín entre ellos.
A diferencia de otras comunidades chinas de ultramar en el sudeste asiático, que cuentan con una variedad de grupos dialectales, los filipinos chinos descienden abrumadoramente de regiones de habla hokkien en el sur de Fujian . Por lo tanto, el hokkien sigue siendo la principal lengua heredada entre los filipinos chinos. Sin embargo, el mandarín se percibe como el idioma chino más prestigioso, por lo que se enseña en las escuelas filipinas chinas y se utiliza en todas las funciones oficiales y formales dentro de la comunidad filipina china a pesar del hecho de que muy pocos filipinos chinos hablan mandarín o lo tienen como lengua heredada. [70]
Para los mestizos chinos , el español solía ser el idioma de prestigio más importante y la primera lengua preferida durante la era colonial española . A partir del período americano , el uso del español disminuyó gradualmente y ahora está completamente reemplazado por el inglés o el filipino. [73]
Dado que la mayoría de los filipinos chinos en Filipinas rastrean su ascendencia hasta el sur de Fujian en la provincia de Fujian de China continental , el idioma hokkien , específicamente el dialecto hokkien filipino , es el idioma heredado de la mayoría de los filipinos chinos. Actualmente, son típicamente los ancianos y los de las generaciones mayores, como la Generación Silenciosa , la generación de los baby boomers y parte de la Generación X , quienes hablan hokkien filipino como su primera o segunda lengua , especialmente como filipinos chinos de primera o segunda generación . Las generaciones más jóvenes, como parte de la Generación X y la mayoría de los jóvenes de la Generación Z y del Milenio , usan escasamente el hokkien como segunda o tercera lengua e incluso más raramente como primera lengua . Esto se debe a que hoy en día el hokkien solo se usa y se escucha dentro de los hogares familiares y ya no se enseña en las escuelas. Como resultado, la mayoría de los jóvenes solo pueden entender el hokkien de oído o no lo saben en absoluto, usando en su lugar el inglés , el filipino ( tagalo ) [71] y en algunos casos uno o más idiomas filipinos .
La variante del hokkien hablada en Filipinas, el hokkien filipino , se llama localmente Lannang-ue ( chino hokkien filipino :咱儂話 / 咱人话; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Lán-nâng-ōe / Lán-lâng-ōe / Nán-nâng-ōe ; lit. 'la lengua de nuestro pueblo'). El hokkien filipino es mutuamente inteligible hasta cierto punto con otras variantes del hokkien en China continental , Taiwán , Malasia , Singapur, Indonesia , etc. y es particularmente cercano a la variante hablada en Quanzhou , especialmente alrededor de Jinjiang . Sus características únicas incluyen su naturaleza conservadora que preserva el vocabulario y las pronunciaciones antiguas, la presencia de algunos préstamos del español filipino y el filipino y el cambio frecuente de código con el inglés filipino , el filipino / tagalo y otras lenguas filipinas (como las lenguas visayas ), el uso excesivo de abreviaturas y palabras coloquiales (por ejemplo, " pīⁿ-chhù " [病厝]: literalmente, "casa de enfermos", en lugar del término hokkien taiwanés " pīⁿ-īⁿ " [病院] para referirse a "hospital" o " chhia-thâu " [車頭]: literalmente, "cabeza de coche", en lugar del término hokkien taiwanés " su-ki " [司機] para referirse a un "conductor") y el uso de términos de vocabulario de varias variantes del hokkien, como de los dialectos de Quanzhou , Amoy (Xiamen) y Zhangzhou de la Idioma hokkien .
La comunidad sangley china en Filipinas hace siglos, durante la época colonial española, hablaba una mezcla de diferentes dialectos hokkien ( Zhangzhou/Chiangchiu , Quanzhou/Chuanchiu , Amoy/Xiamen ), lo suficiente como para que el hokkien registrado por los españoles a principios del siglo XVII, como en el Dictionario Hispanico Sinicum (1604), se pareciera más al dialecto de Zhangzhou , [74] al contrario del hokkien filipino moderno del siglo XXI que ahora se parece más al dialecto de Quanzhou . [75]
En la actualidad, el mandarín es la materia y el medio de enseñanza para la enseñanza de las materias de chino estándar ( mandarín ) en las escuelas chinofilipinas de Filipinas. Sin embargo, dado que el idioma rara vez se utiliza fuera del aula, salvo en trabajos e interacciones relacionadas con China continental y Taiwán , a la mayoría de los filipinos chinos les resultaría difícil conversar en mandarín .
Como resultado de la influencia de larga data del Ministerio de Educación de la República de China del Consejo de Asuntos de los Chinos de Ultramar de la República de China (Taiwán) desde principios de la década de 1900 hasta 2000, la variante del mandarín (conocida en muchas escuelas en chino hokkien :國語; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : kok-gí ) enseñada y hablada en muchas escuelas filipinas chinas más antiguas en Filipinas refleja de cerca la del mandarín taiwanés , utilizando caracteres chinos tradicionales y el sistema fonético Zhuyin (conocido en muchas escuelas en chino hokkien :國音; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : kok-im ) que se enseña, aunque en las últimas décadas también se introdujeron caracteres chinos simplificados y el sistema fonético Pinyin de China y Singapur. Algunas escuelas filipinas chinas ahora también enseñan mandarín en caracteres simplificados con el sistema Pinyin, siguiendo el modelo de las de China y Singapur. Algunas escuelas enseñan ambos o alguno de los sistemas.
Los misioneros católicos dominicos españoles como Francisco Varo, que visitaron Fujian en el siglo XVII (finales de la dinastía Ming y principios de la dinastía Qing), aprendieron tanto el chino min local como el chino mandarín oficial de la dinastía Ming (guanhua) y señalaron explícitamente que el mandarín era considerado un idioma elegante y "elevado" por los chinos locales de Fujian, mientras que su propio idioma local min era considerado un "idioma vulgar". Señalaron que el mandarín guanhua era solemne y lo utilizaban los literatos y funcionarios fujianos educados, mientras que eran los habitantes rurales y las mujeres quienes solo hablaban el dialecto min local (xiangtan), ya que no hablaban mandarín. [76] Los jesuitas de la dinastía Ming de China, como Matteo Ricci, generalmente se centraban en estudiar el mandarín oficial y prestigioso, mientras que los dominicos estudiaban los dialectos vernáculos hokkien en Fujian. [77]
En la actualidad, todavía hay unas pocas familias filipinas chinas cantonesas minoritarias que aún hablan cantonés o taishanese en privado en casa o en sus círculos, [57] pero muchos de los que aún interactúan con la comunidad filipina china en general también han aprendido a hablar hokkien filipino para fines comerciales [57] debido al estatus del hokkien como lengua franca comunitaria [71] dentro de la comunidad filipina china. Debido a la población relativamente pequeña de filipinos chinos que son o afirman ser de ascendencia cantonesa , la mayoría de los filipinos de ascendencia cantonesa , como los mestizos chinos de la era colonial española ( mestizos de sangley ) que originalmente se remontan a Macao o Cantón (Guangzhou) , especialmente las generaciones más jóvenes de los mismos, ya no hablan cantonés o taishanese y solo pueden hablar los idiomas locales, como el filipino ( tagalo ), el inglés y otros idiomas filipinos como el ilocano , el cebuano , etc. Algunas familias de ascendencia cantonesa dentro de la comunidad filipina china también hablan hokkien filipino con su familia, especialmente aquellos que se casaron con filipinos chinos de ascendencia hokkien . También puede haber algunas familias chinofilipinas de ascendencia hokkien que hablen cantonés debido a una historia familiar de haber vivido en Hong Kong, como alrededor de los distritos de North Point ( chino :北角; Pe̍h-ōe-jī : Pak-kak ), Kowloon Bay o Causeway Bay , durante el período de la Guerra Fría , cuando muchas familias huyeron del avance comunista al Hong Kong británico y luego a países del sudeste asiático como Filipinas o Indonesia .
Al igual que la mayoría de los demás filipinos , la gran mayoría de los filipinos chinos que crecieron en Filipinas hablan inglés con fluidez, [71] especialmente inglés filipino (que desciende del inglés americano ) como se enseña en las escuelas de Filipinas. Por lo general, son bilingües de forma nativa o incluso multilingües, ya que tanto el inglés como el filipino son materias obligatorias en todos los grados de todas las escuelas de Filipinas, [71] ya que el inglés sirve como un importante idioma de prestigio formal en la sociedad filipina. Debido a esto, alrededor del 30% de todos los filipinos chinos, en su mayoría los que pertenecen a las generaciones más jóvenes, usan el inglés como su primer idioma preferido . Otros lo tienen como su segundo o tercer idioma , siendo bilingües de forma nativa o multilingües junto con el filipino y, a veces, uno o más idiomas filipinos . [72] [71]
La mayoría de los filipinos chinos que nacieron, crecieron o vivieron durante suficiente tiempo en Filipinas son al menos bilingües o multilingües de nacimiento . Además del inglés, los filipinos chinos suelen hablar filipino ( tagalo ) [71] y, en las regiones que no son tagalo, las lenguas filipinas regionales dominantes , como las lenguas visayas ( cebuano , hiligaynon , waray , etc.) habladas en las Visayas y Mindanao . [72]
Muchos filipinos chinos, especialmente los que viven en las provincias , hablan el idioma regional de su provincia como su primera lengua , si no el inglés o el filipino. Al igual que la mayoría de los demás filipinos, los filipinos chinos con frecuencia alternan el código con el filipino o el tagalo y el inglés , conocido como taglish , o con otros idiomas provinciales regionales, como el cebuano y el inglés , conocido como bislish . Este frecuente cambio de código ha producido una mezcla trilingüe con el hokkien filipino mencionado anteriormente , conocido como hokaglish , que mezcla hokkien , tagalo e inglés . Sin embargo, en las provincias donde el tagalo no es una lengua nativa, el idioma regional dominante equivalente puede mezclarse en lugar del tagalo o junto con el tagalo en una mezcla de cuatro o más idiomas debido a la normalidad del cambio de código y el multilingüismo como parte de la sociedad filipina. [72]
Durante el período colonial español y las décadas posteriores antes de su reemplazo por el inglés, el español solía ser el idioma de prestigio formal de la sociedad filipina y, por lo tanto, los chinos sangley (chinos sin mezclar de la era española), los mestizos chinos (filipinos chinos mezclados de la era española) y los mestizos tornatras (filipinos chinos-españoles o chinos-españoles nativos de la era española) también aprendieron a hablar español durante el período colonial español hasta principios y mediados del siglo XX, cuando su papel fue finalmente eclipsado por el inglés y luego se disipó en gran medida de la sociedad filipina dominante. La mayoría de las élites de la sociedad filipina durante la era colonial española y la era colonial estadounidense eran mestizos españoles o mestizos chinos, que luego se entremezclaron en un grado desconocido y ahora con frecuencia se tratan como un grupo conocido como mestizos filipinos . Debido a esta historia en Filipinas, muchos de los filipinos chinos de la generación anterior (principalmente los nacidos antes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial), ya sean puros o mezclados, también pueden entender algo de español, debido a su importancia en el comercio y la industria. La comunidad china de Filipinas durante la era colonial española también solía hablar una variedad de pidgin español conocida como "caló chino español" o "kastilang tindahan" . Este era especialmente el caso de los chinos sangley locales que se casaron entre sí durante la época colonial española. Produjeron mestizos chinos hispanohablantes de diversa competencia, desde el español pidgin con acento de los nuevos inmigrantes chinos hasta el español fluido de los antiguos chinos sangley. [78]
Religión de los filipinos chinos
Los filipinos chinos son únicos en el sudeste asiático por ser mayoritariamente cristianos (83%). [70] Pero muchas familias, especialmente los filipinos chinos de las generaciones más antiguas, aún practican religiones tradicionales chinas . Casi todos los filipinos chinos, incluidos los mestizos chinos pero excluyendo a los inmigrantes recientes de China continental o Taiwán , se casaron o se casarán en una iglesia cristiana . [70]
En el siglo XVIII, muchos chinos se convirtieron de las religiones tradicionales al catolicismo. [79]
La mayoría (70%) de los filipinos chinos cristianos son católicos . [70] Muchos filipinos chinos católicos todavía tienden a practicar las religiones tradicionales chinas junto con el catolicismo, debido a la reciente apertura de la Iglesia a la hora de dar cabida a creencias chinas como la veneración de los antepasados .
Una característica única del catolicismo de los filipinos chinos es el sincretismo religioso que se encuentra en los hogares filipinos chinos. Muchos tienen altares con imágenes católicas como el Santo Niño (Niño Jesús), así como estatuas de Buda y deidades taoístas . No es extraño que se venere a la Santísima Virgen María , a los santos o a los muertos utilizando varillas de incienso y otras ofrendas tradicionales, como se hubiera hecho con Guan Yin o Mazu . [80]
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Aproximadamente el 13% de todos los filipinos chinos cristianos son protestantes . [81]
Muchas escuelas chino-filipinas son fundadas por misioneros e iglesias protestantes.
Los filipinos chinos representan un gran porcentaje de los miembros de algunas de las iglesias evangélicas más grandes de Filipinas, muchas de las cuales también están fundadas por filipinos chinos, como el Centro del Evangelio Cristiano, la Comisión de Cristo , la Iglesia Evangélica Unida de Filipinas y el Centro del Evangelio Juvenil. [82]
A diferencia del catolicismo romano, el protestantismo prohíbe las prácticas tradicionales chinas, como la veneración de los antepasados, pero permite el uso de la sustitución de significado o contexto para algunas prácticas que no se contradicen directamente en la Biblia (por ejemplo, celebrar el Festival del Medio Otoño con pasteles de luna que denotan a la luna como creación de Dios y la unidad de las familias, en lugar de la creencia tradicional china en Chang'e ). Muchos también tenían antepasados que ya practicaban el protestantismo mientras aún estaban en China.
A diferencia de las iglesias protestantes dominadas por filipinos nativos y mestizos en Filipinas, que tienen vínculos muy estrechos con organizaciones norteamericanas, la mayoría de las iglesias protestantes chino-filipinas buscaron en cambio una alianza y membresía con el Congreso Chino para la Evangelización Mundial , una organización de iglesias cristianas chinas de ultramar en toda Asia. [83]
Un pequeño número de filipinos chinos (2%) continúa practicando únicamente religiones tradicionales chinas . [84] El budismo Mahayana , específicamente, el budismo de la Tierra Pura chino , [85] el taoísmo [86] y el culto ancestral (incluido el confucianismo ) [87] son las creencias tradicionales chinas que siguen teniendo adeptos entre los filipinos chinos.
Se pueden encontrar templos budistas y taoístas en los lugares donde viven los chinos, especialmente en áreas urbanas como Manila. [c] La veneración de Guanyin (觀音), conocida localmente como Kuan-im, ya sea en su forma pura o como una representación de la Virgen María, es practicada por muchos filipinos chinos. La comunidad filipina china también estableció denominaciones religiosas indígenas como Bell Church (钟教), que es una religión sincrética con orientación ecuménica e interreligiosa. [88] Hay varios templos chinos destacados como el Templo Seng Guan (budista) en Manila, el Templo Taoísta de Cebú en la ciudad de Cebú y el Templo Budista Lon Wa en la ciudad de Davao.
Alrededor de la mitad (40%) de todos los filipinos chinos, independientemente de su religión, todavía afirman practicar el culto ancestral . [70] Los chinos, especialmente las generaciones mayores, tienen la tendencia de ir a presentar sus respetos a sus antepasados al menos una vez al año, ya sea yendo al templo o a los cementerios chinos, a menudo quemando incienso y llevando ofrendas como frutas y accesorios hechos de papel .
Las religiones tradicionales chinas se han practicado en Filipinas desde el año 985 a más tardar, [79] pero hay evidencia de transferencia cultural y humana de China a Filipinas desde al menos el año 5000 a. C. , incluso en cuestiones de creencias populares y mitología . [89]
Hay muy pocos musulmanes filipinos chinos , la mayoría de los cuales viven en Mindanao o en el archipiélago de Sulu y se han casado o asimilado con sus vecinos moros . Muchos de ellos han alcanzado posiciones prominentes como líderes políticos. Entre ellos se encuentran Datu Piang , Abdusakur Tan y Michael Mastura , entre otros.
Otros también son miembros de la Iglesia de Cristo , los Testigos de Jehová o la Iglesia de Jesucristo de los Santos de los Últimos Días . Algunas generaciones más jóvenes de filipinos chinos también se declaran ateos. [ cita requerida ]
Existen 150 escuelas chinas en todo Filipinas, de las cuales un poco más de la mitad operan en Metro Manila . [90] [91] Las escuelas chinofilipinas generalmente incluyen la enseñanza del chino estándar ( mandarín ), entre otras materias escolares , y tienen una reputación internacional por producir estudiantes galardonados en los campos de la ciencia y las matemáticas, la mayoría de los cuales obtienen premios internacionales en matemáticas, programación informática y olimpíadas de robótica. [92]
La primera escuela fundada específicamente para los chinos en Filipinas, la Escuela Anglo-China (ahora conocida como Academia Tiong Se ) se abrió en 1899 en los terrenos de la Embajada china de la dinastía Qing . El primer plan de estudios exigía la memorización de los cuatro textos confucianos principales (los Cuatro Libros y los Cinco Clásicos ) junto con la ciencia y la tecnología occidentales. Esto fue seguido en el establecimiento de otras escuelas chinas, como el Hua Siong College de Iloilo , establecido en Iloilo en 1912, la Escuela Patriótica China , establecida en Manila en 1912 (la primera escuela para los chinos cantoneses ), la Escuela Secundaria Saint Stephen , establecida en Manila en 1915 (la primera escuela sectaria para los chinos), y la Escuela Nacional China , establecida en Cebú en 1915. [90]
Burgeoning of Chinese schools throughout the Philippines, including in Manila, occurred from the 1920s until the 1970s, with a brief interlude during World War II, when all Chinese schools were ordered closed by the Japanese and their students were forcibly integrated into Japanese-sponsored Philippine public education. After World War II, the Third Republic of the Philippines and the Republic of China (ROC) signed the Sino-Philippine Treaty of Amity, which provided for the direct control of Chinese schools throughout the archipelago by the Republic of China (Taiwan)'s Ministry of Education. In the late 20th century, despite Mandarin taking the place of Amoy Hokkien as the usual Chinese course taught in Chinese schools, some schools still tried to teach Hokkien as well, deeming it more practical in the Philippine-Chinese setting.[93]
Such a situation continued until 1973, when amendments made during the Marcos Era to the Philippine Constitution effectively transferred all Chinese schools to the authority of the Republic of the Philippines' Department of Education (DepEd).[90] With this, the medium of instruction for teaching Standard Chinese (Mandarin) was shifted from Amoy Hokkien Chinese to Mandarin Chinese (or in some schools to English). Teaching hours relegated to Chinese language and arts, which featured prominently in the pre-1973 Chinese schools, were reduced. Lessons in Chinese geography and history, which were previously subjects in their own right, were incorporated into the Chinese language subject(s), whereas Filipino (Tagalog) and Philippine history, civics and culture became newly required subjects.
The changes in Chinese education initiated with the 1973 Philippine Constitution led to a large shifting of mother tongues, reflecting the assimilation of the Chinese Filipinos into general Philippine society. The older generation of Chinese Filipinos, who were educated in the old curriculum, typically use Philippine Hokkien at home, while most younger-generation Chinese Filipinos are more comfortable conversing in English, Filipino (Tagalog), and/or other Philippine languages like Cebuano, including their code-switching forms like Taglish and Bislish, which are sometimes varyingly admixed with Philippine Hokkien to make Hokaglish.
Chinese Filipino schools typically feature curriculum prescribed by the Philippine Department of Education (DepEd). The limited time spent in Chinese instruction consists largely of language arts.
The three core Chinese subjects are "Chinese Grammar" (simplified Chinese: 华语; traditional Chinese: 華語; pinyin: Huáyǔ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Hoâ-gí; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄩˇ; lit. 'Chinese Language'), "Chinese Composition" (Chinese: 綜合; pinyin: Zònghé; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Chong-ha̍p; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄗㄨㄥˋ ㄏㄜˊ; lit. 'Composition'), and "Chinese Mathematics" (Chinese: 數學; pinyin: Shùxué; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Sò͘-ha̍k; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄨˋ ㄒㄩㄝˊ; lit. 'Mathematics'). Other schools may add other subjects such as "Chinese Calligraphy" (Chinese: 毛筆; pinyin: Máobǐ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Mô͘-pit; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄇㄠˊ ㄅㄧˇ; lit. 'Calligraphy Brush'). Chinese history, geography and culture are also integrated in all the three core Chinese subjects – they stood as independent subjects of their own before 1973. Many schools currently teach at least just one Chinese subject, known simply as just "Chinese" (simplified Chinese: 华语; traditional Chinese: 華語; pinyin: Huáyǔ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Hoâ-gí; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄩˇ; lit. 'Chinese Language'). It also varies per school if either or both Traditional Chinese with Zhuyin (known in many schools in Hokkien Chinese: 國音; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: kok-im) and/or Simplified Chinese with Pinyin is taught. Currently, all Chinese class subjects are taught in Mandarin Chinese (known in many schools in Hokkien Chinese: 國語; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: kok-gí) and in some schools, students are prohibited from speaking any other language, such as English, Filipino (Tagalog), other regional Philippine languages, or even Hokkien during Chinese classes, when decades before, there were no such restrictions.
Many Chinese Filipino schools are sectarian, being founded by either Roman Catholic or Chinese Protestant Christian missions. These include Grace Christian College (Protestant-Baptist), Hope Christian High School (Protestant-Evangelical), Immaculate Conception Academy (Roman Catholic-Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Conception), Jubilee Christian Academy (Protestant-Evangelical), LIGHT Christian Academy (Protestant-Evangelical), Makati Hope Academy (Protestant-Evangelical), MGC-New Life Christian Academy (Protestant-Evangelical), Saint Peter the Apostle School (Roman Catholic-Archdiocese of Manila), Saint Jude Catholic School (Roman Catholic-Society of the Divine Word), Saint Stephen's High School (Protestant-Episcopalian), Ateneo de Iloilo, Ateneo de Cebu and Xavier School (Roman Catholic-Society of Jesus).
Major non-sectarian schools include Chiang Kai Shek College, Manila Patriotic School, Philippine Chen Kuang High School, Philippine Chung Hua School, Philippine Cultural College – the oldest Chinese Filipino secondary school in the Philippines, and Tiong Se Academy – the oldest Chinese Filipino school in the Philippines.
Chiang Kai Shek College is the only college in the Philippines accredited by both the Philippine Department of Education (DepEd) and the Republic of China (Taiwan) Ministry of Education.
Most Chinese Filipinos attend Chinese Filipino schools until Secondary level and then transfer to non-Chinese colleges and universities to complete their tertiary degree, due to the dearth of Chinese language tertiary institutions.
Many Chinese who lived during the Spanish naming edict of 1849 eventually adopted Spanish name formats, along with a Spanish given name (e.g., Florentino Cu y Chua).[citation needed] Some adopted their entire Chinese name romanized as a surname for the entire clan (e.g., Jose Antonio Chuidian (Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Chui-lian); Alberto Cojuangco (Chinese: 許寰哥; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Khó-hoân-ko)). Chinese mestizos, as well as some Chinese who chose to completely assimilate into the local Filipino or Spanish culture during Spanish colonial times also adopted Spanish surnames, just as any other Filipino, either as per christening of a new Christian name under Catholic Christian baptismal under the Spanish friars or through the 1849 decree of Gov-Gen. Narciso Claveria that distributed surnames from the Catálogo alfabético de apellidos, most of which listed there were Spanish surnames.
Newer Chinese migrants who came during the American Colonial Period use a combination of an adopted Spanish (or rarely, English) name together with their Chinese name (e.g., Carlos Palanca Tan Quin Lay or Vicente Go Tam Co).[citation needed] This trend was to continue up to the late 1970s.
As both exposure to North American media as well as the number of Chinese Filipinos educated in English increased, the use of English names among Chinese Filipinos, both common and unusual, started to increase as well. Popular names among the second generation Chinese community included English names ending in "-son" or other Chinese-sounding suffixes, such as Anderson, Emerson, Jackson, Jameson, Jasson, Patrickson, Washington, among such others. For parents who are already third and fourth generation Chinese Filipinos, English names reflecting American popular trends are given, such as Ethan, Austin and Aidan.
It is thus not unusual to find a young Chinese Filipino, for example, named "Chase Tan", whose father's name is "Emerson Tan" and whose grandfather's name is "Elpidio Tan Keng Kui", reflecting the depth of immersion into the English language as well as into the Philippine society as a whole.[citation needed]
Chinese Filipinos whose ancestors came to the Philippines from 1898 onward usually have monosyllabic Chinese surnames. On the other hand, most Chinese ancestors came to the Philippines prior to 1898 usually have multisyllabic surnames such as Gokongwei, Ongpin, Pempengco, Yuchengco, Teehankee and Yaptinchay among such others. These were originally full Chinese names which were transliterated in Spanish orthography and adopted as surnames.
Common single-syllable Chinese Filipino surnames are Tan (陳), Lim (林), Chua (蔡), Uy (黃) and Ong (王). Most such surnames are spelled according to their Hokkien pronunciation.
On the other hand, most Chinese Filipinos whose ancestors came to the Philippines prior to 1898 use a Hispanicized surname (see below). Many Filipinos who have Hispanicized Chinese surnames are no longer pure Chinese, but are Chinese mestizos.
Chinese Filipinos and Chinese mestizos usually have multisyllabic surnames such as Angseeco (from ang/see/co/kho) Aliangan (from liang/gan), Angkeko, Apego (from ang/ke/co/go/kho), Chuacuco, Chuatoco, Chuateco, Ciacho (from Sia), Cinco (from Go), Cojuangco, Corong, Cuyegkeng, Dioquino, Dytoc, Dy-Cok, Dysangco, Dytioco, Gueco, Gokongwei, Gundayao, Kiamco/Quiamco, Kimpo/Quimpo, King/Quing, Landicho, Lanting, Limcuando, Ongpin, Pempengco, Quebengco, Siopongco, Sycip, Tambengco, Tambunting, Tanbonliong, Tantoco, Tinsay, Tiolengco, Yuchengco, Tanciangco, Yuipco, Yupangco, Licauco, Limcaco, Ongpauco, Tancangco, Tanchanco, Teehankee, Uytengsu and Yaptinchay among such others. These were originally full Hokkien Chinese names which were transliterated in Latin letters with Spanish orthography and adopted as Hispanicized surnames.[94]
There are also multisyllabic Chinese surnames that are Spanish transliterations of Hokkien words. Surnames like Tuazon (Eldest Grandchild, 大孫, Tuā-sun),[95] Tiongson/Tiongzon (Eldest Grandchild, 長孫, Tióng-sun)[96]/(Second/Middle Grandchild, 仲孫, Tiōng-sun),[96] Sioson (Youngest Grandchild, 小孫, Sió-sun), Echon/Ichon/Itchon/Etchon/Ychon (First Grandchild, 一孫, It-sun), Dizon (Second Grandchild, 二孫, Dī-sun), Samson/Sanson (Third Grandchild, 三孫, Sam-sun), Sison (Fourth Grandchild, 四孫, Sì-sun), Gozon/Goson/Gozum (Fifth Grandchild, 五孫, Gǒ͘-sun), Lacson (Sixth Grandchild, 六孫, La̍k-sun), Sitchon/Sichon (Seventh Grandchild, 七孫, Tshit-sun), Pueson (Eighth Grandchild, 八孫, Pueh-sun), Causon/Cauzon (Ninth Grandchild, 九孫, Káu-sun), are examples of transliterations of designations that use the Hokkien suffix -son/-zon/-chon (Hokkien Chinese: 孫; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: sun; lit. 'Grandchild') used as surnames for some Chinese Filipinos who trace their ancestry from Chinese immigrants to the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period. The surnames 孫, 仲孫, 長孫 are listed in the classic Chinese text Hundred Family Surnames, perhaps shedding light on the Hokkien suffix -son/-zon/-chon used here as a surname alongside some sort of accompanying enumeration scheme.
The Chinese who survived the massacre in Manila in the 1700s fled to other parts of the Philippines and to hide their identity, some also adopted two-syllable surnames ending in "son" or "zon" and "co" such as: Yanson = Yan = 燕孫, Ganzon = Gan = 颜孫(Hokkien), Guanzon = Guan/Kwan = 关孫 (Cantonese), Tiongson/Tiongzon = Tiong = 仲孫 (Hokkien), Cuayson/Cuayzon = 邱孫 (Hokkien), Yuson = Yu = 余孫, Tingson/Tingzon = Ting = 陈孫 (Hokchew), Siason = Sia = 谢孫 (Hokkien).[97]
Many also took on Spanish or native Filipino surnames (e.g. Alonzo, Alcaraz, Bautista, De la Cruz, De la Rosa, De los Santos, Garcia, Gatchalian, Mercado, Palanca, Robredo, Sanchez, Tagle, Torres, etc.) upon naturalization. Today, it can be difficult to identify who are Chinese Filipino based on surnames alone.
A phenomenon common among Chinese migrants in the Philippines dating from the 1900s would be to purchase their surname, particularly during the American Colonial Period, when the Chinese Exclusion Act was applied to the Philippines. Such law led new Chinese migrants to purchase the Hispanic or native surnames of native and mestizo Filipinos and thus pass off as long-time Filipino residents of Chinese descent or as native or mestizo Filipinos. Many also purchased the Alien Landing Certificates of other Chinese who have gone back to China and assumed his surname and/or identity. Sometimes, younger Chinese migrants would circumvent the Act through adoption – wherein a Chinese with Philippine nationality adopts a relative or a stranger as his own children, thereby giving the adoptee automatic Filipino citizenship – and a new surname.[citation needed]
Traditional Tsinoy cuisine, as Chinese Filipino home-based dishes are locally known, make use of recipes that are traditionally found in China's Fujian Province and fuse them with locally available ingredients and recipes. These include unique foods such as hokkien chha-peng (Fujianese-style fried rice), si-nit mi-soa (birthday noodles), pansit canton (Fujianese-style e-fu noodles), hong ma or humba (braised pork belly), sibut (four-herb chicken soup), hototay (Fujianese egg drop soup), kiampeng (Fujianese beef fried rice), machang (glutinous rice with adobo) and taho (a dessert made of soft tofu, arnibal syrup and pearl sago).
However, most Chinese restaurants in the Philippines, as in other places, feature Cantonese, Shanghainese and Northern Chinese cuisines, rather than traditional Fujianese fare.
With the increasing number of Chinese with Philippine nationality, the number of political candidates of Chinese-Filipino descent also started to increase. The most significant change within Chinese Filipino political life would be the citizenship decree promulgated by former President Ferdinand Marcos which opened the gates for thousands of Chinese Filipinos to formally adopt Philippine citizenship.
Chinese Filipino political participation largely began with the People Power Revolution of 1986 which toppled the Marcos dictatorship and ushered in the Aquino presidency. The Chinese have been known to vote in blocs in favor of political candidates who are favorable to the Chinese community.
Important Philippine political leaders with Chinese ancestry include the current president Bongbong Marcos, and former presidents Rodrigo Duterte, Emilio Aguinaldo, Benigno Aquino III, Cory Aquino, Sergio Osmeña, Manuel Quezon and Ferdinand Marcos, former senators Nikki Coseteng, Alfredo Lim, Raul Roco, Panfilo Lacson, Vicente Yap Sotto, Vicente Sotto III and Roseller Lim, as well as several governors, congressmen and mayors throughout the Philippines. Many ambassadors and recent appointees to the presidential cabinet are also Chinese Filipinos like Arthur Yap, Jesse Robredo, Jose Yulo, Manuel Yan, Alberto Lim, Danilo Lim, Karl Chua and Bong Go.
The former Archbishop of Manila, Cardinals Jaime Sin, Rufino Santos and Luis Antonio Tagle also have Chinese ancestry.
The Chinese Filipino are mostly business owners[according to whom?] and their life centers mostly in the family business. These mostly small or medium enterprises play a significant role in the Philippine economy. A handful of these entrepreneurs run large companies and are respected as some of the most prominent business tycoons in the Philippines.
Chinese Filipinos attribute their success in business to frugality and hard work, Confucian values and their traditional Chinese customs and traditions. They are very business-minded and entrepreneurship is highly valued and encouraged among the young. Most Chinese Filipinos are urban dwellers. An estimated 50% of the Chinese Filipino live within Metro Manila, with the rest in the other major cities of the Philippines. In contrast with the Chinese mestizos, few Chinese are plantation owners. This is partly due to the fact that until recently when the Chinese Filipino became Filipino citizens, the law prohibited the non-citizens, which most Chinese were, from owning land.
As with other Southeast Asian nations, the Chinese community in the Philippines has become a repository of traditional Chinese culture common to unassimilated ethnic minorities throughout the world. Whereas in mainland China many cultural traditions and customs were suppressed or destroyed during the Cultural Revolution or simply regarded as old-fashioned nowadays, these traditions have remained largely preserved in the Philippines.[citation needed]
Many new cultural twists have evolved within the Chinese community in the Philippines, distinguishing it from other overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. These cultural variations are highly evident during festivals such as Chinese New Year and Mid-Autumn Festival. The Chinese Filipino have developed unique customs pertaining to weddings, birthdays and funerary rituals.[citation needed]
Wedding traditions of Chinese Filipinos, regardless of religious persuasion, usually involve identification of the dates of supplication or pamamanhikan (kiu-hun), engagement (ting-hun) and wedding (kan-chhiu) adopted from Filipino customs. In addition, feng shui based on the birthdates of the couple, as well as of their parents and grandparents may also be considered. Certain customs found among Chinese Filipinos include during supplication (kiu-hun) also include a solemn tea ceremony within the house of the bridegroom ensues where the couple will be served tea, egg noodles (misua) and given red packets or envelopes containing money, commonly referred to as an ang-pao.[citation needed]
During the supplication ceremony, pregnant women and recently engaged couples are forbidden from attending the ceremony. Engagement (ting-hun) quickly follows, where the bride enters the ceremonial room walking backward and turned three times before being allowed to see the groom. A welcome drink consisting of red-colored juice is given to the couple, quickly followed by the exchange of gifts for both families and the wedding tea ceremony, where the bride serves the groom's family and vice versa. The engagement reception consists of sweet tea soup and misua, both of which symbolizes long-lasting relationship.[citation needed]
Before the wedding, the groom is expected to provide the matrimonial bed in the future couple's new home. A baby born under the Chinese sign of the Dragon may be placed in the bed to ensure fertility. He is also tasked to deliver the wedding gown to his bride on the day prior to the wedding to the sister of the bride, as it is considered ill fortune for the groom to see the bride on that day. For the bride, she prepares an initial batch of personal belongings (ke-chheng) to the new home, all wrapped and labeled with the Chinese characters for sang-hi. On the wedding date, the bride wears a red robe emblazoned with the emblem of a dragon prior to wearing the bridal gown, to which a pair of sang-hi (English: marital happiness) coin is sewn. Before leaving her home, the bride then throws a fan bearing the Chinese characters for sang-hi toward her mother to preserve harmony within the bride's family upon her departure. Most of the wedding ceremony then follows Catholic or Protestant traditions.[citation needed]
Post-wedding rituals include the two single brothers or relatives of the bride giving the couple a wa-hoe set, which is a bouquet of flowers with umbrella and sewing kit, for which the bride gives an ang-pao in return. After three days, the couple then visits the bride's family, upon which a pair of sugar cane branch is given, which is a symbol of good luck and vitality among Hokkien people.[98]
Birthday traditions of Chinese Filipinos involve large banquet receptions, always featuring noodles[d] and round-shaped desserts. All the relatives of the birthday celebrant are expected to wear red clothing which symbolize respect for the celebrant. Wearing clothes with a darker hue is forbidden and considered bad luck. During the reception, relatives offer ang paos (red packets containing money) to the birthday celebrant, especially if he is still unmarried. For older celebrants, boxes of egg noodles (misua) and eggs on which red paper is placed are given.[citation needed]
Births of babies are not celebrated and they are usually given pet names, which he keeps until he reaches first year of age. The Philippine custom of circumcision is widely practiced within the Chinese Filipino community regardless of religion, albeit at a lesser rate as compared to native Filipinos. First birthdays are celebrated with much pomp and pageantry, and grand receptions are hosted by the child's paternal grandparents.[citation needed]
Funerary traditions of Chinese Filipinos mirror those found in Southern Fujian. A unique tradition of many Chinese Filipino families is the hiring of professional mourners which is alleged to hasten the ascent of a dead relative's soul into Heaven. This belief particularly mirrors the merger of traditional Chinese beliefs with the Catholic religion.[99]
Most of the Chinese mestizos, especially the landed gentry trace their ancestry to the Spanish era. They are the "First Chinese" or Sangley whose descendants nowadays are mostly integrated into Philippine society. Most are from Zhangzhou, Fujian province in China, with a minority coming from Guangdong. They have embraced a Hispanized Filipino culture since the 17th century. After the end of Spanish rule, their descendants, the Chinese mestizos, managed to invent a cosmopolitan mestizo culture[citation needed] coupled with an extravagant Mestizo de Sangley lifestyle, intermarrying either with native Filipinos or with Spanish mestizos.
The largest group of Chinese in the Philippines are the "Second Chinese", who are descendants of migrants in the first half of the 20th century, between the anti-Qing 1911 Revolution in China and the Chinese Civil War. This group accounts for most of the "full-blooded" Chinese. They are almost entirely from Fujian Province.
The "Third Chinese" are the second largest group of Chinese, the recent immigrants from mainland China, after the Chinese economic reform of the 1980s. Generally, the "Third Chinese" are the most entrepreneurial and have not totally lost their Chinese identity in its purest form and seen by some "Second Chinese" as a business threat. Meanwhile, continuing immigration from mainland China further enlarge this group[100]
Aside from their family businesses, Chinese Filipinos are active in Chinese-oriented civic organizations related to education, health care, public safety, social welfare and public charity. As most Chinese Filipinos are reluctant to participate in politics and government, they have instead turned to civic organizations as their primary means of contributing to the general welfare of the Chinese community. Beyond the traditional family and clan associations, Chinese Filipinos tend to be active members of numerous alumni associations holding annual reunions for the benefit of their Chinese-Filipino secondary schools.[101]
Outside of secondary schools catering to Chinese Filipinos, some Chinese Filipinos businessmen have established charitable foundations that aim to help others and at the same time minimize tax liabilities. Notable ones include the Gokongwei Brothers Foundation, Metrobank Foundation, Tan Yan Kee Foundation, Angelo King Foundation, Jollibee Foundation, Alfonso Yuchengco Foundation, Cityland Foundation, etc. Some Chinese-Filipino benefactors have also contributed to the creation of several centers of scholarship in prestigious Philippine Universities, including the John Gokongwei School of Management at Ateneo de Manila, the Yuchengco Center at De La Salle University, and the Ricardo Leong Center of Chinese Studies at Ateneo de Manila. Coincidentally, both Ateneo and La Salle enroll a large number of Chinese-Filipino students. In health care, Chinese Filipinos were instrumental in establishing and building medical centers that cater for the Chinese community such as the Chinese General Hospital and Medical Center, the Metropolitan Medical Center, Chong Hua Hospital and the St. Luke's Medical Center, Inc.,[citation needed] one of Asia's leading health care institutions. In public safety, Teresita Ang See's Kaisa, a Chinese-Filipino civil rights group, organized the Citizens Action Against Crime and the Movement for the Restoration of Peace and Order at the height of a wave of anti-Chinese kidnapping incidents in the early 1990s.[102] In addition to fighting crime against Chinese, Chinese Filipinos have organized volunteer fire brigades all over the country, reportedly the best in the nation.[103] that cater to the Chinese community. In the arts and culture, the Bahay Tsinoy and the Yuchengco Museum were established by Chinese Filipinos to showcase the arts, culture and history of the Chinese.[104]
Non-Chinese Filipinos were initially referred to as huan-á (番仔) by ethnic Chinese Filipinos in the Philippines. It is also used in other Southeast Asian countries such as Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia by Hokkien-speaking ethnic Chinese to refer to peoples of Malay ancestry.[105] In Taiwan, it was also used but it has become a taboo term with negative stigma since it was used to refer to indigenous Taiwanese aboriginals[106] and the Japanese during the Japanese occupation of Taiwan.[107] The term itself in mainland China originally just meant "foreigner" but at times may also have been considered derogatory[105] since it could negatively connote to "barbarian/outsider" by some who had negative views on certain neighboring non-Chinese peoples that certain groups historically lived with since for centuries this was the term predominantly used to refer to non-Chinese people, but today, it does not necessarily carry its original connotations, depending on the speaker's perceptions and culture of how they grew up to learn to perceive the term, since in the Philippines, its present usage now mostly just plainly refers to any non-Chinese Filipinos, especially native Filipinos.[108] When speaking Hokkien, most older Chinese Filipinos still use the term, while younger Chinese Filipinos may sometimes instead use the term Hui-li̍p-pin lâng (菲律賓儂), which directly means, "Philippine person" or simply "Filipino". This itself brings complications though as Chinese Filipinos themselves are Filipinos too, born and raised in the Philippines often with families of multiple generations carrying Filipino citizenship.
Some Chinese Filipinos perceive the government and authorities to be unsympathetic to the plight of the ethnic Chinese, especially in terms of frequent kidnapping for ransom during the late 1990s.[109] Currently, most of the third or fourth generation Chinese Filipinos generally view the non-Chinese Filipino people and government positively, and have largely forgotten about the historical oppression of the ethnic Chinese. They are also most likely to consider themselves as just being "Filipino" and focus on the Philippines, rather than on just being "Chinese" and being associated with China (PRC) or Taiwan (ROC).
Some Chinese Filipinos believe racism still exists toward their community among a minority of non-Chinese Filipinos, who the Chinese Filipinos refer to as "pâi-huâ" (排華) in Philippine Hokkien. Organizations belonging to this category include the Laspip Movement, headed by Adolfo Abadeza, as well as the Kadugong Liping Pilipino, founded by Armando "Jun" Ducat Jr. that stirred tensions around the late 1990s.[110][111][112][113] Also due in part to racial or chauvinistic views from Mainland Chinese towards native Filipinos or Filipinos in general in the 1980s after Filipinos became in demand in the international work force, some racial tendencies of mainland Chinese brought about by Han chauvinism against native Filipinos have intensified in the 21st century, where many Mainland Chinese from mainland China have branded the Philippines as a "gullible nation of maids and banana sellers", amidst disputes in the South China Sea.[114] Due to such racist remarks against native Filipinos, racism against mainland Chinese in mainland China and by extension, ethnic-Chinese in general such as Chinese Filipinos, later developed among certain native or mestizo Filipino communities as a form of backlash.[115] During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, some Chinese Filipinos have also voiced concerns about Sinophobic sentiments that some non-Chinese Filipinos may carry against any ethnic Chinese, especially those from mainland China due to being the site of the first coronavirus outbreak, that may sometimes extend and generalize on Chinese Filipinos.[116] Chinese Filipino organizations have discouraged the mainstream Filipino public from being discriminatory, particularly against Chinese nationals amid the global spread of COVID-19.[117]
Chinese mestizos are persons of mixed Chinese and either Spanish or indigenous Filipino ancestry. Mestizos are thought to make up as much as 25% of the country's total population. A number of Chinese mestizos have surnames that reflect their heritage, mostly two or three syllables that have Chinese roots (e.g., the full name of a Chinese ancestor) with a Hispanized phonetic spelling.
During the Spanish colonial period, the Spanish authorities encouraged the Chinese male immigrants to convert to Catholicism. Those who converted got baptized and their names Hispanized, and were allowed to intermarry with indigenous Filipino women. The couple and their mestizo offspring became colonial subjects of the Spanish crown, and as such were granted several privileges and afforded numerous opportunities that were denied to the unconverted and non-citizen Chinese. Starting out as traders, many Chinese mestizo businesspeople branched out into land leasing, money-lending, and later, landholding.
Chinese mestizo men and women were encouraged to marry Spanish and indigenous women and men,[citation needed] by means of dowries,[citation needed] as part of a colonial policy to mix the different ethno-racial groups of the Philippines so as it would be impossible to expel the Spanish.[118]
Today, "blood purity" is still of prime concern in most traditional Chinese Filipino families, especially pure-blooded Han ones. Many Chinese Filipinos who maintain traditional perspectives on marriage continue to uphold the belief that a Chinese Filipino can only be married to another fellow Chinese Filipino since marriages to a non-Han Chinese Filipino or any non-Han Chinese outsider was considered taboo and undesirable. The prospects and implications of the sustained trend of ongoing intermarriage between Chinese to native, mestizo Filipinos, and other outsiders, still continues to be shrouded in ambiguity, raising controversy, casting doubt, and posing uncertainty for all parties involved, even to this day. As the Chinese Filipino family structure is traditionally patriarchal hence, it is the male that carries the last name of the family which also entails the pedigree and legacy of the family name itself. Marriages between Chinese Filipino men and native Filipinas or mestizas, or any outsider, was deemed more socially permissible than the other way around. In the case of the Chinese Filipina female marrying a native or mestizo Filipino or any outsider, it may incur several unwanted racial issues and tensions, especially on the side of the Chinese family.
In some instances, a member of a traditional Chinese Filipino family may be denied of his or her inheritance and likely to be disowned by his or her family for marrying an outsider without their consent. However, there are narrow exceptions in which intermarriage to a non-Chinese Filipino or any outsider would considered socially permissible provided that their family's socioeconomic background is well-off or influential.
On the other hand, modern Chinese Filipino families who exhibit more liberal cosmopolitan views and beliefs are generally more receptive to interracial marriage by allowing their children to marry native or mestizo Filipino or any non-Han Chinese outsider. Even with these changes in attitude and shifting perspectives towards miscegenation, many contemporary Chinese Filipino families would still by and large prefer that the Filipino or any non-Han Chinese outsider would have some or little Han Chinese ancestry, such as the descendants of Chinese mestizos dating back to the Spanish colonial period.
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Like much of Southeast Asia, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry dominate the Filipino economy and commerce at every level of society.[11][126][127] Chinese Filipinos collectively wield and uniformly demonstrate a disproportionatly high level of economic achievement and clout relative to their small population size over their indigenous Filipino majority counterparts while also playing a critical role in maintaining the country's economic vitality and prosperity.[128][13][129] With their powerful economic prominence, the Chinese virtually make up the country's entire wealthy elite.[119][130][131] Chinese Filipinos, in the aggregate, represent a disproportionate wealthy, market-dominant minority not only form a distinct ethnic community, they also form, by and large, an economic class: the commercial middle and upper class in contrast to their poorer indigenous Filipino majority working and underclass counterparts around them.[11][131] Entire posh Chinese enclaves have sprung up in major Filipino cities across the country, literally walled off from the poorer indigenous Filipino masses guarded by heavily armed, private security forces.[11] Though the contemporary Chinese Filipino community albeit remains stubbornly insular, given their propensity to voluntarily segregate themselves from the indigenous Filipino populace through typically associating themselves with the Chinese community, their collective impacting presence nonetheless still remains powerfully felt throughout the country at large. In particular, given their dominant middleman minority status and ubiquitous economic influence and prosperity owing to their shrewd business acumen and astute investment savvy have prompted the community's acculturation into mainstream Filipino society and their maintenance of their exclusively unabashed distinctive cultural sense of ethnic identity, clannishness, community, kinship, nationalism, and socioethnic cohesion through clan associations.[132]
The Chinese have had a significant presence in Filipino business and industry, having been at the forefront of controlling the economy of the Philippines for many centuries long before the Spanish and American colonial eras.[133] Long before the Spanish conquest of the Philippines, Chinese merchants carried on trading activities with native communities along the coast of modern mainland China. By the time the Spanish arrived, the Chinese controlled all the commercial trading activities across the Philippines, serving as retailers, artisans, and food providers for various Spanish settlements.[14] During the American colonial epoch, Chinese merchants controlled a significant percentage of the retail trade and internal commerce of the country. They predominated the retail trade and owned three-quarters of the 2500 rice mills interspersed along with the Filipino islands.[134] Total resources of banking capital held by the Chinese was US$27 million in 1937 to a high of US$100 million in the estimated aggregate, making them second to the Americans in terms of total foreign capital investment held.[14] Under Spanish rule, the Chinese were willing to engage in trade and venture into other business activities where Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry were responsible for introducing sugar refining devices, new construction techniques, movable type printing, and bronze making into the Filipino economic landscape while also providing fishing, gardening, artisan, and other such trading services. Many poverty-stricken Filipinos of Chinese ancestry were drawn towards business ownership and investing as they were prohibited from owning land and saw the only path out of abject poverty was by going into commercial business, entrepreneurship, and investing as a sole recourse to alleviate themselves from extreme economic destitution and ameliorate the parlous state of their personal financial situations. Numerous budding Chinese-born and Filipino-bred entrepreneurs and investors, driven by their shrewd commercial instincts, have leveraged their business skills and entrepreneurial spirit to change the trajectory of the parlous state of their financial destinies in unshackling themselves from the debilitating stranglehold of poverty towards a pathway of financial prosperity and economic enlightenment. By assuming responsibility for their personal financial circumstances empowered and precipitated countless budding Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry to become self-employed as dealers, distributors, hawkers, marketers, peddlers, producers, retailers, sellers, and vendors of variegated goods and services catered to the Spanish and American colonizers as well as the masses of indigenous Filipino consumers.[135] Mainly attracted and lured by the promise of bountiful economic opportunities brought upon by the auspices of American colonial influence during the first four decades of the 20th century actuated the Chinese to vigorously assert and ultimately secure their domains of economic power fostered amongst their entrepreneurial activities and investment pursuits. The implementation of a free trade policy between the Philippines and the United States allowed the Chinese to capitalize on the growth of a burgeoning Filipino consumer market. As a result, Filipino entrepreneurs and investors of Chinese ancestry were able to capture a significant market share across the country by expanding their commercial business activities in which they were the key players who ventured into then newly emerging industries such as industrial manufacturing and financial services.[136] The American and Spanish colonizers who saw the indispensable benefit of the enterprising Chinese, harnessed their commercial expertise, contacts, capital, and presence to serve and protect their colonial economic interests. Chinese-owned sari-sari stores that cropped up all over the Philippines were utilized to distribute and supply American and cheap Chinese-made Filipino goods and raw materials with the finished products purposed for the eventual export to the American and other foreign markets overseas. The conspicuous presence of the Chinese that permeated throughout the textual fabric of daily Filipino economic life incurred the volatile emotions and hostility of the indigenous Filipino masses manifested in the form of animosity, bitterness, envy, grievance, insecurity, and resentment.[137]
Up until the 1970s, many of the Philippines's biggest corporations and commercial economic activities had long been under the control of the Americans and Spaniards.[138] Since the 1970s, a significant shift has occurred in the commercial economic sector of the Philippines, whereby numerous Filipino enterprises previously owned by Americans and Spaniards came under the control of the Chinese, who have collectively emerged and established themselves as the country's most dominant economic force. Although the modern Chinese community in the Philippines amounts to 1 percent of the country's entire population, they are estimated to effectively control 60 to 70 percent of the modern Filipino economy.[139][140][141][142][128][143][12][144][145][146][147][148][149][150][151][152] The enterprising Chinese minority, comprising 1 percent of the total population of the Philippines, control the country's largest and most lucrative department stores, supermarkets, hotels, shopping malls, airlines, and fast-food restaurants in addition to all of its major financial services providers, banks and stock brokerage houses, as well as dominating the nation's wholesale distribution networks, shipping lines, banks, construction, textiles, real estate, personal computer, semiconductors, pharmaceutical, mass media, and industrial manufacturing industries.[120][142][128][12][119][153] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry also control 40 percent of the Philippine's national corporate equity.[154][155] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry are also involved in the processing and distribution of pharmaceutical products. More than 1000 companies are involved in this industry, with most being small and medium-sized businesses amounting to an aggregate capitalization of ₱1.2 billion.[156] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry are also prominent players in the Filipino mass media sector, as the Chinese control six out of the ten English-language newspapers in Manila, including the one with the largest daily circulation.[119][142] Many retail stores and restaurants presided by Filipino owners with Chinese ancestry are regularly featured in Manila newspapers which often attracted great public interest as such examples of high-profile business ownership were used to illustrate the Chinese community's strong economic influence that permeated throughout the country.[157][158] The Chinese also dominate the Filipino telecommunications industry, where one of the current significant players in the Filipino telecom sector was the business taipan John Gokongwei, whose conglomerate JG Summit Holdings controlled 28 wholly-owned subsidiaries with interests ranging from food and agro-industrial products, hotels, insurance agencies, financial services providers, electronic components, textiles and garment manufacturing, real estate, petrochemicals, power generation, printing, newspaper publishing, packaging materials, detergents, and cement mixing.[159] Gokongwei's family firm is one of the six largest and most well-known Filipino conglomerates that has been under the hands of an owner of Chinese lineage.[160] Gokongwei began his business career by starting out in food processing during the 1950s, venturing into textile manufacturing in the early 1970s, and then cornered the Filipino real estate development and hotel management industries by the end of the decade. In 1976, Gokongwei established Manila Midtown Hotels and has since then assumed the controlling interest of two other hotel chains, Cebu Midtown and Manila Galleria Suites respectively.[160] In addition, Gokongwei has also made forays into the Filipino financial services sector as he expanded his business interests by investing in two Filipino banks, PCI Bank and Far East Bank, in addition to negotiating the acquisition of one of the Philippines's oldest newspapers, The Manila Times.[160][161] Gokongwei's eldest daughter became publisher of the newspaper in December 1988 at the age of 28, at which during the same time her father acquired the paper from the Roceses, a Spanish Mestizo family.[162] Of the 66 percent remaining part of the economy in the Philippines held by either Chinese or indigenous Filipinos, the Chinese control 35 percent of all total sales.[163][164] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry control an estimated 50 to 60 percent of non-land share capital in the Philippines, and as much as 35 percent of total sales are attributed to the largest public and private firms owned by the Chinese.[163][165][166][167] Many prominent Filipino companies that are Chinese-owned focus on diverse industry sectors such as semiconductors, chemicals, real estate, engineering, construction, fibre-optics, textiles, financial services, consumer electronics, food, and personal computers.[168] A third of the top 500 companies publicly listed on the Philippines Stock Exchange are owned by Filipinos of Chinese ancestry.[169] Of the top 1000 firms, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry control 36 percent of them and among the top 100 companies, 43 percent.[169][170] Between 1978 and 1988, 146 of the country's 494 top companies were under Chinese ownership.[171] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry are also estimated to control over one-third of the Philippines's 1000 largest corporations with the Chinese controlling 47 of the 68 locally owned companies publicly listed on the Manila Stock Exchange.[172][173][174][175][176][177] In 1990, the Chinese controlled 25 percent of the top 100 businesses in the Philippines and by 2014, the share of top 100 firms owned by them grew to 41 percent.[138][128] Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry are also responsible for generating 55 percent of overall Filipino private commercial business activity across the country.[178] In addition, Chinese-owned Filipino companies account for 66 percent of the sixty largest commercial entities.[179][180] In 2008, among the top ten wealthiest Filipinos, 6 to 7 were of Chinese ancestry with Henry Sy Sr. having topped the list with an estimated net worth US$14.4 billion.[181] In 2015, the top 4 wealthiest people in the Philippines (with 9 being pure-blooded Han Chinese in addition to 10 out of the top 15) were of Chinese ancestry.[128][153] In 2019, 15 of the 17 Filipino billionaires were of Chinese ancestry.[182]
Filipinos of Chinese ancestry exert a considerable influential foothold across the Filipino industrial manufacturing sector. With respect to delineating the parameters by industry distribution, Chinese-owned manufacturing establishments account for a third of the entirety of the Filipino industrial manufacturing sector.[134][171][170] The majority of Filipino industrial manufacturing establishments that produce the processing of coconut products, flour, food products, textiles, plastic products, footwear, glass, as well as heavy industry products such as metals, steel, industrial chemicals, paper products, paints, leatherwork, garments, sugar refining, timber processing, construction materials, food and beverages, rubber, plastics, semiconductors, and personal computers are controlled by Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry.[13][134][183][184] In the secondary industry, 75 percent of the country's 2500 rice mills were Chinese-owned. Chinese Filipino entrepreneurs were also dominant in wood processing, and accounted for over 10 percent of the capital invested in the lumber industry and controlled 85 percent of it as well as accounting for 40 percent of the industry's annual output propagated through their extensive control of nearly all the sawmills throughout the country.[185] Emerging import-substituting light industries induced the active participation and ownership of Chinese entrepreneurs being involved in various several salt works in addition to a large number of small and medium-sized producers engaged in food processing as well as the production of leather and tobacco goods. The Chinese also hold enormous sway over the Filipino food processing industry with approximately 200 outlets being involved in this sector alone predominating the eventual export of their finished products to Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan. More than 200 Chinese-owned companies are also involved in the production of paper, paper products, fertilizers, cosmetics, rubber products, and plastics.[156] By the early 1960s, the Chinese presence in the manufacturing sector became even more significant. Of the industrial manufacturing establishments that employed 10 or more workers, 35 percent were Chinese-owned and among 284 enterprises employing more than 100 workers, 37 percent were likewise Chinese-owned. Of the 163 domestic industrial manufacturing companies operating throughout the Philippines, 80 were Chinese-owned and included the manufacturing of coconut oil, food products, tobacco, textiles, plastic products, footwear, glass, and certain types of metals such as tubes and pipes, wire rods, nails, bolts, and containers.[186] In 1965, the Chinese controlled 32 percent of the country's top industrial manufacturing outlets.[187][188][189] Of the 259 industrial manufacturing establishments belonging to the top 1000 that operated throughout the entire country, the Chinese owned 33.6 percent of the top manufacturing companies as well as 43.2 percent of the top commercial manufacturing outlets in 1980.[171][190] By 1986, the Chinese controlled 45 percent of the country's top 120 domestic manufacturing companies.[134][187][191][192] These manufacturing establishments are mainly involved in the production of tobacco and cigarettes, soap and cosmetics, textiles and rubber footwear.[183]
Today, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry control all of the Philippines's largest and most lucrative department stores, supermarkets, and fast-food restaurants.[12][119] In the fast-food industry, Filipino restaurateurs of Chinese ancestry have been behind the Philippines's biggest fast-food restaurant franchises. A wave of big-name of domestically homegrown restaurant chains such as Chowking, Greenwich Pizza, Mang Inasal, Red Ribbon in addition to the mainland Chinese-based establishment Yonghe Dawang (永和大王) have made headway into the Filipino restaurant industry with their various constiuent outlets being cropped up across various cities around the country. There are roughly 3000 fast-food outlets and restaurants controlled by Filipino restaurateurs of Chinese ancestry around the country, especially eating establishments specializing in Chinese cuisine have attracted an influx of foreign capital investments from Hong Kong and Taiwan.[194][195] The banker and business taipan George Ty was responsible for securing and franchising the rights of the famous publicly traded American hamburger franchise McDonald's across the Philippines and the Jollibee fast-food joint, whose founder Tony Tan Caktiong is a Filipino restaurateur of Chinese ancestry.[128][193][196][197] Jollibee's popularity around the country has since then led to the expansion of its corporate presence throughout the world by establishing subsidiaries in the Middle East, Hong Kong, Guam, and other Southeast Asian countries such as Brunei and Indonesia.[159][198][199] The chain has since evolved into the Jollibee Foods Corporation with the company having expanded gradually its corporate operating presence throughout mainland China as evidenced by its foreign acquisition of the Chinese fast food chain Dim Sum in 2008.[200] In the beverage sector, San Miguel Corporation is among the Philippines's most prominent beverage providers. The company was founded in 1851 by Enrique María Barretto de Ycaza y Esteban and is responsible for supplying the country's entire beverage needs. Two Chinese-owned Filipino beverage companies, namely Lucio Tan's Asia Brewery and John Gokongwei's Universal Robina, along with several lesser-known beverage companies are also now competing with each other to capture the largest share in the Filipino beverage market.[201]
In 1940, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry were estimated to control 70 percent of the country's entire retail trade and 75 percent of the nation's rice mills.[202] By 1948, the economic standing of the Chinese community began to elevate even further allowing them to wield considerable influence by expanding their commercial business presence across the Filipino retail industry. As the Chinese community exercised a considerable percentage of the total commercial investment, including the command of 55 percent of the Filipino retail trade and 85 percent of the country's lumber industry at this time.[203] After the end of the Second Sino-Japanese war, Chinese Filipinos controlled 85 percent of the nation's retail trade.[204] The Chinese also presided over 40 percent of the retailing imports coupled with substantial controlling interests in banking, oil refining, sugar milling, cement, tobacco, flour milling, glass, dairy farming, automobile manufacturing, and consumer electronics.[205] Although the Filipino Hacienderos owned an extensive array of businesses, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry greatly augmented their economic power coinciding with the pro-market reforms of the late 1980s and 1990s initiated by the Marcos administration. As a result, the Chinese gradually increased their commanding role in the domestic Filipino commercial retail sector over time by acting as an intermediary in connecting Chinese-owned Filipino retailers to the masses of indigenous Filipino consumers through the exchange of various goods and services. The Chinese Filipino business community accomplished such commercial feats as a tight-knit group in an enclosed system via vertical integration by setting up their own supply chains, distribution networks, locating key competitors, making use of geographical coverage, attributes and characteristics, business strategies, staff recruitment, store proliferation, and establishing their own independent trade organizations.[206] Chinese-owned Filipino retail outlets also exercised a vast disproportionate share of several local goods such as rice, lumber products, and alcoholic drinks.[206] Some Chinese Filipino merchant traders even branched into retailing these products in addition to rice milling, logging, saw-milling, distillery, tobacco, coconut oil processing, footwear making, and agricultural processing. Over time, the domestic Filipino economy began to broaden by the multitudinous expansion of commercial business activities long held by the Chinese which also ushered in new forms of entrepreneurship with the Chinese having assiduously devoted and directed their corporate efforts, energies, and capital into cultivating new industries and growth areas over other well-established and matured sectors.[206]
Since the 1950s, Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry have controlled the entirety of the Filipino retail industry.[207] Every small, medium, and large enterprise in the Filipino retail sector is now completely under Chinese hands as they have been at the forefront at pioneering the modern and contemporary development of the Philippines's retail sector.[208] From the 1970s onward, Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry have re-established themselves as the dominant players in the Filipino retail industry with the community having achieved a collective corporate feat of presiding an estimated 8500 Chinese-owned retail and wholesale outlets that predominate across various metropolitan areas the country.[13][194] On a microscopic scale, the Hokkien community have a proclivity to run capital intensive businesses such as banks, commercial shipping lines, rice mills, dry goods, and general stores while the Cantonese gravitated towards hotels, restaurants, and laundromats.[209][206] Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry control 35 percent to upwards to two-thirds of the domestic sales among the country's 67 largest commercial retail outlets.[210][211][212][213] By the 1980s, Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry began to expand their business activities by venturing into large-scale retailing.
Chinese-owned Filipino retail outlet's today are among the single largest owners of department store chains in the Philippines with one prominent example being Rustan's, which is one of the country's most prestigious department store brands.[214] Other prime retailers such as Shoe Mart owned by Henry Sy and John Gokongwei's Robinson's percolated rapidly throughout major cities around the country, with the products that they retailed having made their way into the shopping malls situated across various parts of the Manila Metropolitan area.[187] Another prominent business figure in Philippines's retail industry is the Fujian-born and Filipino-bred taipan, Lucio Tan. Tan started off his business career in the cigarette distribution industry and then catapulted himself into entrepreneurial prominence within the major leagues of elite Filipino business circles after masterminding the corporate takeover of General Bank and Trust Company in 1977 and later renamed it as the Allied Bank.[160] Tan, whose flagship cigarette manufacturing company Fortune Tobacco (now a Philippine affiliate of Philip Morris International) controls the largest market share of cigarette distribution in the country and has since then emerged as of one richest men in the Philippines.[215] Aside from taking over the Philippines's tobacco distribution networks, Tan has since parlayed his business interests into a corporate conglomerate behemoth of his own LT Group Inc.. His corporate empire presides over a portfolio of diversified business interests including chemicals, sports, education, brewing, financial services, real estate, hotels (Century Park Hotel), in addition to his company having purchased a majority controlling interest in PAL, one of the Philippines's largest airlines.[216] In terms of industry distribution, small and medium size Chinese-owned retailers account for half of the Philippines retail trade, with 49.45 percent of the retail sector alone being controlled by Henry Sy's Shoemart, and the remaining share of the retail trade being dominated by a few larger Chinese-owned Filipino umbrella retail outlets that include thousands of smaller retail subsidiaries.[194][171][217] Sy built his business empire from scratch out of his Shoe Mart department store chain, and has since made forays into banking and real estate development after purchasing a controlling interest of Banco de Oro, a private commercial bank as well as acquiring a substantial block of China Banking Corporation, another privately Chinese-owned Filipino commercial bank and wealth management house whose services are specifically catered and tailored to the banking and financing needs of up-and-coming Chinese Filipino entrepreneurs.[218]
From small trade cooperatives clustered by hometown pawnbrokers, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry would go on to establish and incorporate the largest financial services institutions in the country. Filipinos of Chinese ancestry have been the chief pioneering influence in the Filipino financial sector as they dominated the country's financial services domain and have had a presence in the country's banking industry since the early part of the 20th century. The two earliest Chinese-founded Filipino banks were China Bank and the Mercantile Bank of China, established in 1920 and 1924 respectively.[194] Dee C. Chuan, one of the most high-profile Filipino businessmen of Chinese ancestry at the time, played a key role in initiating the establishment of Chinabank, as he remained adamant in establishing a financial services institution that was specifically tailored to serve the needs of the Chinese Filipino business community. Following the country's rapid parallel economic shift at the time towards the burgeoning industrial manufacturing sector prompted the Chinese business community to concurrently venture into the nascent banking and financial services sector.[219] In 1956, there were four Chinese-owned Filipino banks, nine by 1971, sixteen in 1974, with the Chinese holding majority stakes in 10 of the 26 private commercial Filipino banks by the early 1990s.[219] Today, the overwhelming majority of the Philippines's principal banks have come under Chinese ownership with Filipinos of Chinese ancestry owning six of the top ten banks in the country.[128][220] Of these six banks, the Chinese collectively control 63 percent of the aggregate assets among the top ten banks in the country.[220] Chinese-controlled Filipino banks include the China Banking Corporation, Bank of the Philippine Islands, Philippine Savings Bank, the Philippine National Bank (owned by LT Group, Inc.), and most notably Metrobank Group that was owned by banker and businessman George Ty, which has been the country's second-largest and most aggressive financial services conglomerate.[128][119] Lesser-known private commercial banks established in the 1950s and 1960s are also owned and controlled by Filipinos of Chinese ancestry.[221][134] The lone exception of a non-Chinese and non-foreign owned Filipino bank was the Spanish Filipino Lopez-owned Philippine Commercial International Bank, which has since been taken over by Henry Sy's holding and investment company SM Investments Corporation, and later reemerged itself as a subsidiary of Banco de Oro in 2007.[134] Banco De Oro, which saw its beginnings as a mere savings bank in 1980, catapulted itself into the ranks of prominence in the Filipino financial services sector when it subsumed Equitable-PCI Bank in July 2005 under the aegis of Sy.[222] With Sy having assumed majority ownership of Banco de Oro, a commercial bank as well as acquiring a 14 percent stake in the China Banking Corporation, he also took a controlling interest in the Philippine National Bank, and 7 percent of the Far East Bank.[223] By 1970, among the Philippines's five largest banks holding almost 50 percent of all assets in the industry, namely China Banking Corporation, Citibank, the Bank of the Philippine Islands, Equitable PCI Bank, in addition to the formerly government-owned Philippine National Bank came under the control of Chinese shareholders.[134] Among the top ten private commercial banks in 1993, Chinese-Filipino business families were in full control of four of them, namely the Metropolitan Bank, Allied Bank, Equitable Banking, and China Banking. George Ty's Metropolitan Bank generated the industry's highest share of gross revenues and net income in addition to holding the Filipino banking industry's largest amount of total assets during that year.[224] In 1993, Chinese-owned Filipino banks controlled 38.43 percent of the total assets in the private Filipino commercial banking sector.[225] By 1995, banks owned by Filipinos of Chinese ancestry had captured an even greater market share of the Philippines's financial services sector after the formerly government-owned Philippine National Bank was partially privatized, along with four of the top five banks that were substantially controlled by Chinese shareholders claiming 48 percent of all bank assets and over 60 percent of all those held by private domestic commercial banks.[134] At the turn of the 20th century, among the plethora of mergers and acquisitions that occurred within the Filipino banking sector due to major industry realignments that were set in motion with regards to how private commercial banks were owned, sparked a flurry of mergers and acquisitions that continued to consolidate the Chinese community's grip on the Philippines's private commercial banking sector. Among the most notable transactions that took place was George Ty's Metrobank, which at this time acquired Asian Bank and Global Business Bank and with Lucio Tan in 1992 having assumed a 67 percent controlling ownership of the privatized Philippine National Bank, which was once the Philippines's foremost government bank following the aftermath of the country's national privatization program in the 1980s.[226][227] Tan has since then solidified a commanding presence in the Filipino banking sector towards the beginning of the new millennium when he continued his corporate onslaught through the buyout, absorption, and subsequent merger of Philippine National Bank with his own bank, Allied Bank.[222] Fellow taipan John Gokongwei was also a major shareholder in the Far East Bank, Philippine Commercial and International Bank, and controlled a 19 percent stake in the Philippine Trust Company. During the 1999 Filipino banking mergers and acquisition frenzy, Gokongwei realized an immense windfall gain following the high-profit sale of his shares in PCIB and the Far East Bank in the process.[224] In terms of industry distribution, Chinese-owned firms account for a quarter of the Filipino financial services sector.[171] Today, the overwhelming majority of the Philippines's nine principal banks in addition to the formerly state-owned Philippine National Bank are now under the ownership of Chinese shareholders, including the Allied Banking Corporation, Banco de Oro Group, China Banking Corporation (Chinabank), East West Banking Corporation, Metrobank group, Philippine Trust Company (Philtrust Bank), Rizal Commercial Banking group, Security Bank Corporation (Security Bank) and the United Coconut Planters Bank.[194] Most of these banks comprise a larger part of an umbrella owned family conglomerate with assets exceeding ₱100 billion.[194] The total combined assets of all the Philippines's commercial banks under Chinese ownership account for 25.72 percent of all the aggregate assets in the entire Filipino commercial banking system.[13] Among the Philippines's 35 banks, shareholders of Chinese ancestry on average control 30 percent of the total banking equity.[228] There are also 23 Filipino insurance agencies that are Chinese-owned, with some branches operating overseas and in Hong Kong.[194]
Filipinos of Chinese ancestry also wield enormous clout over the Philippines's real estate sector with much of the modern industry's grip being commercially grasped in their shrewdly enterprising and investment-savvy clutches. The line of revenue-generating business and income-producing investment opportunities that allowed the Chinese to expand their economic predominance into the Filipino real estate industry presented themselves occurred when they were finally conferred full-fledged Filipino citizenship during the Martial Law Period in order to gain the privilege to buy, sell, and own land.[229] Initially, the Chinese were not allowed to own land until formally acquiring Filipino citizenship in the 1970s, which eventually permitted them to be granted with the same economic rights, freedoms, and privileges as their indigenous Filipino counterparts.[230] In the aftermath of such a historically significant legal change that occurred throughout the Filipino geopolitical landscape at this time, its reverberating ramifications afterwards soon led to an upsurge of massive land purchases throughout the country predominated by Filipino investors of Chinese ancestry which started by the next decade following the country's political transition from a dictatorship to a democracy.[229] The acquisition of Filipino citizenship during the 1970s allowed the Chinese to expand their economic presence even more greatly by venturing into larger-scale investment-grade commercial real estate ventures and delving into other property investment opportunities that inevitably augmented and galvanized their economic grip on the Filipino real estate markets while elevating their respective socioeconomic positions in the process.[231] Since the 1980s, Filipino businessmen and investors of Chinese ancestry have cornered much of the Philippines's real estate investment markets, land, and property development sectors, when much of the industry's grasp had long been held by the Spaniards.[232] Chinese-owned Filipino real estate companies have devoured large swathes of prime commercial and residential real estate across Metro Manila and other urban Filipino cities utilized for the exploitative purposes of profit through commercial property development and investment.[229] Since 1990, the Filipino real estate markets have been primarily controlled by both Chinese and non-Chinese Filipino entrepreneurs and investors alike, all strategically vying for lucrative opportunities in key property developments and prime real estate investments across the country. The competitive landscape amongst these entrepreneurs and investors alike have been positioning themselves to capitalize on the promising potential for profitability. Notably through cash flow generation and capital appreciation in rapidly growing real estate markets around the country, leading to intense competition among these stakeholders.[233] Presently, many of the biggest real estate development operators in the Philippines are owned by Filipino businessmen and investors of Chinese ancestry following the exodus of the Spanish Filipino Mestizo landowning elites such as the Araneta's, Ayala's, Lopez's, and Ortiga's.[234] Of the 500 real estate companies operating in the Philippines, 120 are owned by Filipinos of Chinese ancestry with the firms mostly specializing in real estate investment, land, and property development, in addition to construction having much of their commercial presence mainly being concentrated in the Manila Metropolitan area.[235] Well-known real estate companies controlled by some of the Philippines's most high-profile businessmen and investors include SMDC owned by the Sy's, Robinsons Land by the Gokongwei's, Megaworld Properties & Holdings Inc. which is controlled by Andrew Tan, Filinvest that is commanded by the Gotianun's, and DoubleDragon Properties, presided by businessman Edgar Sia II of Mang Inasal fame.[234] Large scale commercial real estate projects such as the Eton Centris in Pinyahan, the Shangri-La Plaza in Mandaluyong and the Tagaytay Highlands Golf Club and Resort development in Tagaytay City were testaments of such joint projects undertaken by Filipino real estate developers of Chinese ancestry in cooperation with other fellow Overseas Chinese dealmakers operating throughout the Southeast Asian real estate markets. These corporate partnerships were largely forged by Overseas Chinese business tycoons such as the investor Liem Sioe Liong, businessman Robert Kuok and dealmakers Andrew Gotianun, Henry Sy, George Ty and Lucio Tan.[236] Besides being responsible for spearheading the pioneering development and growth of the Philippines's modern real estate industry, both Sy and Tan have been generous patrons of the mainland Chinese on top of the local Chinese Filipino community, ardently extending their philanthropic hospitality by actively investing in the economic development and revitalization of their ancestral hometowns back in China.[237] With Sy constructing supermalls in Chengdu, Chongqing, and Suzhou and Tan developing a 30-story banking center in Xiamen.[237]
The Chinese also pioneered the Filipino shipping industry which eventually germinated into a major industry sector as a means of transporting goods cheaply and quickly between the islands. Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry have remained dominant in the Philippines's maritime shipping and sea transport industry as it was one of the few efficient methods of transporting goods cheaply and quickly across the country, with the Philippines geographically being an archipelago, comprising more than 1000 islands and inlets.[186] There are 12 Filipino business families of Chinese ancestry engaged in inter-island transport and shipping, particularly with the shipping of food products requiring refrigeration amounting to an aggregate capitalization of ₱10 billion. Taiwanese expatriate investors have participated in various joint ventures by opening up new shipping lanes on the route between Manila and Cebu.[156] Prominent shipping lines owned by Filipinos of Chinese ancestry include Cokaliong Shipping Lines, Gothong Lines, Lite Shipping Corporation, Sulpicio Lines which was infamously associated with a tragedy that led to the deaths of hundreds and Trans-Asia Shipping Lines.[238] One enterprising and pioneering Filipino businessman of Chinese ancestry was William Chiongbian, who established William Lines in 1949, which by the end of 1993, became the most profitable inter-island Filipino shipping line ranking first in terms of gross revenue generated as well as net income among the country's seven biggest shipping companies at that time.[186] Currently, the Filipino inter-island shipping industry is dominated by four Chinese-owned shipping lines led by William Chiongbian's William Lines.[13] Likewise, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry also own all of the major airlines in the country, including the flagship carrier Philippine Airlines, AirphilExpress, Cebu Pacific, South East Asian Airlines, Air Manila and Zest Air.[13]
As Filipino businesspeople of Chinese ancestry became more financially prosperous, they often coalesced their financial resources and pooled large amounts of seed capital together to forge joint business ventures with expatriate Mainland and Overseas Chinese businessmen and investors from all over the world. Like other Chinese-owned businesses operating throughout the Southeast Asian markets, Chinese-owned businesses in the Philippines often link up with Greater Chinese and other Overseas Chinese businesses and networks across the globe to focus on new business opportunities to collaborate and concentrate on. Common industry sectors of focus include real estate, engineering, textiles, consumer electronics, financial services, food, semiconductors, and chemicals.[239] Besides sharing a common ancestry, cultural, linguistic, and familial ties, many Filipino entrepreneurs and investors of Chinese ancestry are particular strong adherents of the Confucian paradigm of interpersonal relationships when doing business with each other, as the Chinese believed that the underlying source for entrepreneurial and investment success relied on the nurturing of personal relationships.[183] Moreover, Filipino businesses that are Chinese-owned form a part of the larger bamboo network, an umbrella business network of Overseas Chinese companies operating in the markets of Greater China and Southeast Asia that share common family, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural ties.[155][240] With the spectacular growth of varying success stories witnessed by a number of individual Chinese Filipino business tycoons and investors have allowed them to expand their traditional corporate activities beyond the Philippines to forge international partnerships with increasing numbers of expatriate Mainland and Overseas Chinese investors on a global scale.[241] Instead of quixotically diverting excess profits elsewhere, many Filipino businesspeople of Chinese ancestry are known for their penurious and parsimonious ways by eschewing improvident lavish extravagances and frivolous conspicuous consumption but instead adhere to the Chinese paradigm of being frugal by pragmatically, productively, and methodically reinvesting substantial surpluses of their business profits devoted for the purpose of commercial business expansion and performing the acquisition of cash flow producing and income-generating assets. A sizable percentage of the conglomerates managed by capable Filipino entrepreneurs and investors of Chinese ancestry that are armed with the necessary managerial capabilities, enterprising disposition, commercial expertise, entrepreneurial acumen, investment savvy, and visionary foresight were able to germinate from small budding enterprises to making headway into gargantuan corporate leviathans garnering widespread economic influence across the Philippines, Southeast Asia, and the global financial markets.[129] Such massive corporate expansions engendered the term "Chinoy", which is colloquially used in Filipino newspapers to denote Filipino individuals with a degree of Chinese ancestry who either speak a Chinese dialect or adhere to Chinese customs.
As Chinese economic might grew, much of the indigenous Filipino majority were gradually driven out and displaced into poorer land on the hills, on the outskirts of major Filipino cities, or into the mountains.[126] Disenchantment grew among the displaced indigenous Filipinos who felt they were unable compete with Chinese-owned businesses.[242] Underlying resentment and bitterness from the impoverished Filipino majority has been accumulating as there has been no existence of indigenous Filipino having any substantial business equity in the Philippines.[126] Decades of free market liberalization brought virtually no economic benefit to the indigenous Filipino majority but rather the opposite resulting a subjugated indigenous Filipino majority underclass, where the vast disproportion of indigenous Filipinos still engage in rural peasantry, menial labor or domestic service and squatting.[119][126] The Filipino government has dealt with this wealth disparity by establishing socialist and communist dictatorships or authoritarian regimes while pursuing a systematic and ruthless affirmative action campaigns giving privileges to allow the indigenous Filipino majority to gain a more equitable economic footing during the 1950s and 1960s.[243][244] The rise of economic nationalism among the impoverished indigenous Filipino majority prompted by the Filipino government resulted in the passing of the Retail Trade Nationalization Law of 1954, where ethnic Chinese were barred and pressured to move out of the retail sector restricting engagement to Filipino citizens only.[244] In addition, the Chinese were prevented from owning land by restricting land ownership to Filipinos only. Other restrictions on Chinese economic activities included limiting Chinese involvement in the import-export trade while trying to increase the indigenous Filipino involvement to gain a proportionate presence. In 1960, the Rice and Corn Nationalization Law was passed restricting trading, milling, and warehousing of rice and corn only to Filipinos while barring Chinese involvement, in which they initially had a significant presence.[243][244][245][246] These policies ultimately backfired on the government as the laws had an overall negative impact on the government tax revenue which dropped significantly because the country's biggest source of taxpayers were Chinese, who eventually took their capital out of the country to invest elsewhere.[243][244] The increased economic clout held in the hands of the Chinese has triggered bitterness, suspicion, resentment, envy, insecurity, grievance, instability, ethnic hatred, and outright anti-Chinese hostility among the indigenous native Filipino majority towards the Chinese minority.[127] Such hostility has resulted in the kidnapping of hundreds of Chinese Filipinos by indigenous Filipinos since the 1990s.[127] Many victims, often children are brutally murdered, even after a ransom is paid.[126][127] Numerous incidents of crimes such kidnap-for-ransom, extortion, and other forms of harassment were committed against the Chinese Filipino community starting from the early 1990s continues to this very day.[47][127] Thousands of displaced Filipino hill tribes and aborigines continue to live in satellite shantytowns on the outskirts of Manila in economic destitution where two-thirds of the country's indigenous Filipinos live on less than 2 dollars per day in extreme poverty.[126] Such animosity, antagonmism, bitterness, envy, grievance, hatred, insecurity, and resentment is ready at any moment to be catalyzed as a form of vengeneance by the downtrodden indigenous Filipino majority as many Chinese Filipinos are subject to kidnapping, vandalism, murder, and violence.[247] Anti-Chinese sentiment among the indigenous Filipino majority is deeply rooted in poverty but also feelings of resentment and exploitation are also exhibited among native and mestizo Filipinos blaming their socioeconomic failures on the Chinese.[127][247][248]
Most of the younger generations of pure Chinese Filipinos are descendants of Chinese who migrated during the 1800s onward – this group retains much of Chinese culture, customs, and work ethic (though not necessarily language), whereas almost all Chinese mestizos are descendants of Chinese who migrated even before the Spanish colonial period and have been integrated and assimilated into the general Philippine society as a whole.
There are four trends that the Chinese Filipino would probably undertake within a generation or so:
During the 1970s, Fr. Charles McCarthy, an expert in Philippine-Chinese relations, observed that "the peculiarly Chinese content of the Philippine-Chinese subculture is further diluted in succeeding generations" and he made a prediction that "the time will probably come and it may not be far off, when, in this sense, there will no more 'Chinese' in the Philippines". This view is still controversial however, with the constant adoption of new cultures by Filipinos contradicting this thought.
Assimilation is defined as the adoption of the cultural norms of the dominant or host culture, while integration is defined as the adoption of the cultural norms of the dominant or host culture while maintaining their culture of origin.
As of the present day, due to the effects of globalization in the Philippines, there has been a marked tendency to assimilate to Filipino lifestyles influenced by the US, among ethnic Chinese. This is especially true for younger Chinese Filipino living in Metro Manila[249] who are gradually shifting to English as their preferred language, thus identifying more with Western culture, at the same time speaking Chinese among themselves. Similarly, as the cultural divide between Chinese Filipino and other Filipinos erode, there is a steady increase of intermarriages with native and mestizo Filipinos, with their children completely identifying with the Filipino culture and way of life. Assimilation is gradually taking place in the Philippines, albeit at a slower rate as compared to Thailand.[250]
On the other hand, the largest Chinese Filipino organization, the Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran openly espouses eventual integration but not assimilation of the Chinese Filipino with the rest of Philippine society and clamors for maintaining Chinese language education and traditions.
Meanwhile, the general Philippine public is largely neutral regarding the role of the Chinese Filipino in the Philippines, and many have embraced Chinese Filipino as fellow Filipino citizens and even encouraged them to assimilate and participate in the formation of the Philippines' destiny.
Separation is defined as the rejection of the dominant or host culture in favor of preserving their culture of origin, often characterized by the presence of ethnic enclaves.
The recent rapid economic growth of both China and Taiwan as well as the successful business acumen of Overseas Chinese have fueled among many Chinese Filipino a sense of pride through immersion and regaining interest in Chinese culture, customs, values and language while remaining in the Philippines.[citation needed]
Despite the community's inherent ethnocentrism – there are no active proponents for political separation, such as autonomy or even independence, from the Philippines, partly due to the small size of the community relative to the general Philippine population, and the scattered distribution of the community throughout the archipelago, with only half residing in Metro Manila.
Many Chinese-Filipino entrepreneurs and professionals have flocked to their ancestral homeland to partake of business and employment opportunities opened up by China's emergence as a global economic superpower.[251]
As above, the fast economic growth of China and the increasing popularity of Chinese culture has also helped fan pro-China patriotism among a majority of Chinese Filipino who espouse 愛國愛鄉 (ài guó ài xiāng) sentiments (love of ancestral country and hometown). Some Chinese Filipino, especially those belonging to the older generation, still demonstrate ài guó ài xiāng by donating money to fund clan halls, school buildings, Buddhist temples and parks in their hometowns in China.[citation needed]
During the 1990s to the early 2000s, Philippine economic difficulties and more liberal immigration policies in destination countries have led to well-to-do Chinese Filipino families to acquire North American or Australasian passports and send their children abroad to attend prestigious North America or Australasian universities.[252] Many of these children are opting to remain after graduation to start professional careers in North America or Australasia, like their Chinese brethren from other parts of Asia.
Many Philippine-educated Chinese Filipino from middle-class families are also migrating to North America and Australasia for economic advantages. Those who have family businesses regularly commute between North America (or Australasia) and the Philippines. In this way, they follow the well-known pattern of other Chinese immigrants to North America who lead "astronaut" lifestyles: family in North America, business in Asia.[253]
While some of the papers tend to view integration as a continuing problem in Chinese-Filipino relations, Samuel K. Tan's paper on "The Tans and Kongs of Sulu: An Analysis into the Nature and Extent of Chinese Integration in Sulu Society", provides a different historical process. In Sulu, Tan explains that "the strong foundation of Sulu-China relations has provided Sulu society with a kind of historical consciousness that allows the easy, smooth, and almost natural integration of Chinese into the local society as shown by the extent of Chinese intermarriages with the native Sama and Tausug ... This explains why the Chinese in Sulu have become an integral part of the local social, economic, cultural and political traditions which are shared independently by the Tausug and Sama people. " Li Ding – guo's paper, " Exploratory ... Dr. Wang thinks that the Sama people in Chinese texts could be the seafaring Sama of the Sulu Archipelago. A growing number of native researchers and scholars are inclined to accept this view in the light of corroborative data from more recent researches. 4. The ' Sulu Kings ', more accurately datus or rajahs, before the Sultanate era began about 1450 A.D., sent tribute embassies to China beginning from 1417 A.D. This continued regularly until the last embassy in 1762 A.D. The ancient Chinese records show the increasing importance of the China visits to the Sulu leaders. At one time, a group of 340 people visited China and stayed in Peking 27 days. 5. It was during the visit of 1417 A.D. when the Sulu King, as the Tausug head was called, died of illness and was entombed in Te – Chow by imperial order. A part of his retinue remained in China to take care of his remains. His heir named Antuluk decided to remain also. Their number increased and their leaders were identified in the Chinese texts as An Lu Chin and Un Chong Kai. 6. Blair and Robertson record several of the Chinese revolts from 17th century on in their works. The Philippine Islands (55 volumes). It appears from close analysis of the data that the Chinese were inevitably led to violent means not because of any revolutionary ideal as in the case of over 200 Filipino revolts against Spanish rule. 7. Jose Montero y Vidal, Historia General de Filipinas desde el Discubrimiento de Dichas Islas hasta Nuestros Dias, vol. II. (Madrid, 1894–1895), pp. 266–269. 8. Samuel K. Tan, Sulu Under American Military Rule, 1899–1913. (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1967) p. 11. 9. Najeeb M. Saleeby, The History of Sulu, (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, Inc. 1963), p. 83. 10. Data on the Tan family of Maimbung and Jolo were obtained from several interviews and discussions with Mr. Tomas Que who is related to the Tans by marriage. The interviews were conducted in late 1990 and early 1991 in Quezon City where the Ques permanently live after leaving Jolo as a result of the 1974 conflict between the MNLF and the government. 11. Chinese membership in the Ruma Bichara, the Advisory Council of the Sulu Sultanate, goes back in time to the 18th century when such a privilege was granted by the Sultan to the Chinese sector as a matter of recognition of their important role in Sulu's economy. In fact, Wang also records Sulu's taking of Chinese hostages as a means of ensuring the much desired return of Chinese traders not for purposes of ransom or other exploitations as it is understood in contemporary usage. 12. Data on the Tawi – Tawi Chinese connections were taken during several sustained interviews and discussions with former Mayor Hokking Lim and his family members in their Kamias apartment residence from 1989 to early 1991 during frequent visits to Metro Manila. As permanent residents of South Ubian, Mayor Lim and his family have established networks of family alliances especially with the natives. The data on the Ullayans, Dausans and Aldanis were provided by Mrs. Kimlan Lim. 13. The information on Chinese families in Bongao etc. were provided by Paquito Tan of Sitangkai during the visits of the author to Bongao in late 1988..
The publication is a bimonthly magazine of the Philippine - China Resource Center ( PCRC ) with office in New Manila, Quezon City Dr. Wang thinks that the Sama people in Chinese Texts could be the seafaring Sama of the Sulu archipelago. A growing number of native researchers and scholars are inclined to accept this view in the light of corroborative data from more recent researchers. The " Sulu Kings " more accurately datus or rajas, before the Sultanate era began about 1450 A. D., sent tribute embassies to China beginning from 1417 A. D. This continued regularly until the last embassy 1762 A. D. The ancient Chinese records show the increasing importance of the China visits to the Sulu leaders. At one time, a group of 340 people visited China and stayed in Peking for 27 days. It was during the visit of 1417 A. D. when the Sulu King, as the Tausug head was called, died of illness and was entombed in Te – Chow by imperial order. A part of his retinue remained in China to take care of his remains. His heir, named Antuluk, decided to stay also. Their number increased and their leaders were identified in the texts as An Lu Chih and Un Chong Kai. Blair and Robertson record several of the Chinese revolts from the 17th century in their work The Philippine Islands ( 55 volumes ). It appears from close analysis of the data that the Chinese were inevitably led to violent means not because of any revolutionary ideal as in the case of over 200 Filipino revolts against Spanish rule. Jose Montero y Vidal, Historia general de Filipinas desde el discubrimento de dichas ilas hasta nuestros dias. ( Madrid, 18941895 ), 266-69.. 5. 6. 7. 8. Samuel K. Tan, Sulu Under the American Military Rule, 1899–1913. ( Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1967 ), 11. Najeeb M. Salleby, The History of Sulu. ( Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, Inc., 1963 ), 83. 9. 10. 11. Data on the Tan family of Tan 63. Data on the Tan family of Maimbung and Jolo were obtained from several interviews and discussions with Mr. Tomas Que who is related to the Tans by marriage. The interviews were conducted in late 1990 and early 1991 in Quezon City where the Ques permanently live after leaving Jolo as a result of the 1974 conflict between the MNLF and the government. Chinese membership in the Ruma Bichara, the Advisory Council of the Sulu Sultanate, goes back in time to the 18th century when such a privilege was granted by the Sultan to the Chinese sector as a matter ofrecognition of their important role in Sulu's economy. In fact, Wang also records Sulu's taking of Chinese hostages as a means of ensuring the much desired return of Chinese traders not for purposes of ransom or other exploitations as it is understood in contemporary usage. Data on the Tawi – Tawi Chinese connections were taken during several sustained interviews and discussions with former Mayor Hokking Lim and his family members in their Kamias apartment residence from 1989 to early 1991 during frequent visits to Metro Manila. As permanent residents of South Ubian, Mayor Lim and his family have established networks of family alliances especially with the natives. The data on the Ullayans, Dausans, and Aldanis were provided by Mrs. Kimian Lim
... p.17 " The Overseas Chinese and China's Economic Modernization " Tan, Samuel K. Volume 2 Number 1 January - February 1991, p.6 " The Chinese of Siasi: A Case of Successful Integration " Tan Chee - Beng Volume 3 Number 1 January ...
... PDRC Volume 2 Number 17 January - February 1991 Published by the Philippine-China Development Resource Center No .... 6 THE CHINESE OF SIASI: A Case of Successful Integration By Samuel K. Tan, Ph.D. 10 Theresa C. Cariño is the ...
With the exception of their names and occasional festivities, the Chinese elements are gradually diminishing. Tilman (1974), whose study was carried out on the provincial city of Cebu where the Chinese have greater contacts with the ...
Today, with the exception of their names and occasional festivities, the Chinese elements are gradually diminishing The implications of this preliminary observation point to two types of Chinese integration.
Today, with the exception of their names and occasional festivities, the Chinese elements are gradually diminishing. The implication of this preliminary observation points to the two types of Chinese integration.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
overseas chinese control percent of largest companies.
Media related to Chinese diaspora in the Philippines at Wikimedia Commons
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