La Monarquía de Julio ( en francés : Monarchie de Juillet ), oficialmente Reino de Francia ( en francés : Royaume de France ), fue una monarquía constitucional liberal en Francia bajo Luis Felipe I , que comenzó el 26 de julio de 1830, con la Revolución de julio de 1830, y terminó el 23 de febrero de 1848, con la Revolución de 1848. Marca el final de la Restauración borbónica (1814-1830). Comenzó con el derrocamiento del gobierno conservador de Carlos X , el último rey de la línea principal de la Casa de Borbón .
Luis Felipe , miembro de la rama más liberal de Orleans de la Casa de Borbón, se autoproclamó Rey de los franceses (« rey de los franceses ») en lugar de «rey de Francia», haciendo hincapié en los orígenes populares de su reinado. El rey prometió seguir el justo medio , o el camino intermedio, evitando los extremos tanto de los partidarios conservadores de Carlos X como de los radicales de izquierda.
La Monarquía de Julio estaba dominada por una burguesía adinerada y numerosos ex funcionarios napoleónicos . Siguió políticas conservadoras, especialmente bajo la influencia de François Guizot . El rey promovió la amistad con el Reino Unido y patrocinó la expansión colonial, en particular la conquista francesa de Argelia . En 1848, un año en el que muchos estados europeos sufrieron una revolución , la popularidad del rey se había derrumbado y abdicó.
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La Monarquía de Julio (1830-1848) es considerada generalmente como un período durante el cual la alta burguesía fue dominante y marcó el paso de los legitimistas contrarrevolucionarios a los orleanistas . Los orleanistas estaban dispuestos a hacer algunos compromisos con los cambios introducidos por la Revolución de 1789. Por ejemplo, Luis Felipe fue coronado " rey de los franceses ", en lugar de "rey de Francia": esto marcó su aceptación de la soberanía popular.
Luis Felipe , que había coqueteado con el liberalismo en su juventud, rechazó gran parte de la pompa y solemnidad de los Borbones y se rodeó de comerciantes y banqueros. Sin embargo, la Monarquía de Julio gobernó durante una época de agitación. Un gran grupo de legitimistas de la derecha exigía la restauración de los Borbones en el trono. En la izquierda, el republicanismo y más tarde el socialismo seguían siendo fuerzas poderosas. A finales de su reinado, Luis Felipe se volvió cada vez más rígido y dogmático y se negó a destituir a su profundamente impopular Presidente del Consejo, François Guizot . La situación se agravó gradualmente hasta que las Revoluciones de 1848 dieron como resultado la caída de la monarquía y el establecimiento de la Segunda República .
Durante los primeros años de su reinado, Luis Felipe tomó medidas para desarrollar una reforma legítima y de amplia base. El gobierno encontró su fuente de legitimidad en la Carta de 1830 , escrita por miembros reformistas de la Cámara de Diputados y comprometida con una plataforma de igualdad religiosa entre católicos y protestantes; el empoderamiento de la ciudadanía mediante el restablecimiento de la Guardia Nacional , la reforma electoral, la reforma del sistema de nobleza y la disminución de la autoridad real. Luis Felipe y sus ministros se adhirieron a políticas que parecían promover los principios centrales de la constitución. Sin embargo, la mayoría de estas políticas eran intentos velados de apuntalar el poder y la influencia del gobierno y la burguesía, en lugar de intentos legítimos de promover la igualdad y el empoderamiento de un amplio electorado de la población francesa. [ cita requerida ] Por lo tanto, aunque la Monarquía de Julio parecía moverse hacia la reforma, este movimiento fue en gran medida ilusorio.
Durante los años de la Monarquía de Julio, el derecho al voto se duplicó aproximadamente, de 94.000 bajo Carlos X a más de 200.000 hombres en 1848. [ cita requerida ] Pero, este número todavía representaba solo aproximadamente el uno por ciento de la población y un pequeño número de aquellos hombres en edad elegible. El sufragio extendido tendía a favorecer a la burguesía mercantil adinerada más que a cualquier otro grupo, ya que las calificaciones para votar estaban relacionadas con el pago de un cierto nivel de impuestos . Más allá de resultar en la elección de más burguesía a la Cámara de Diputados, esta expansión electoral significó que la burguesía podía desafiar políticamente a la nobleza en asuntos legislativos. Así, mientras parecía honrar su promesa de aumentar el sufragio, Luis Felipe actuó principalmente para empoderar a sus partidarios y aumentar su control sobre el Parlamento francés. La elección solo de los hombres más ricos tendió a socavar cualquier posibilidad de crecimiento de una facción radical en el Parlamento y sirvió efectivamente a fines socialmente conservadores.
La Carta reformada de 1830 limitó el poder del rey, despojándolo de su capacidad para proponer y decretar leyes, así como limitando su autoridad ejecutiva. Sin embargo, Luis Felipe creía en un tipo de monarquía en la que el rey era más que una figura decorativa para un Parlamento electo, y como tal, estaba profundamente involucrado en los asuntos legislativos. Uno de sus primeros actos en la creación de su gobierno fue nombrar al conservador Casimir Pierre Perier como primer ministro de su gabinete. Perier , un banquero, fue fundamental en el cierre de muchas de las sociedades secretas republicanas y sindicatos laborales que se habían formado durante los primeros años del régimen. Además, supervisó el desmembramiento de la Guardia Nacional después de que demostró ser demasiado partidaria de las ideologías radicales. Llevó a cabo estas acciones con la aprobación real. Una vez se le citó diciendo que la fuente de la miseria francesa era la creencia de que había habido una revolución. "No Monsieur ", le dijo a otro ministro, "no ha habido una revolución: simplemente hay un cambio en la cabeza del estado". [ cita requerida ]
Perier y François Guizot , entonces ministro del Interior , reforzaron el conservadurismo de la Monarquía de Julio. El régimen reconoció desde el principio que el radicalismo y el republicanismo lo amenazaban, ya que socavaban sus políticas de laissez-faire . En 1834, la Monarquía declaró ilegal el término "republicano". Guizot cerró los clubes republicanos y disolvió las publicaciones republicanas. Los republicanos dentro del gabinete, como el banquero Dupont , fueron prácticamente excluidos por Perier y su camarilla conservadora. Desconfiando de la Guardia Nacional, Luis Felipe aumentó el tamaño del ejército y lo reformó para asegurar su lealtad al gobierno.
En el gabinete siempre persistieron dos facciones, divididas entre los conservadores liberales como Guizot ( el Partido de la Resistencia) y los reformistas liberales como el periodista Adolphe Thiers ( el Partido del Movimiento), este último nunca alcanzó prominencia. Perier fue sucedido como primer ministro por el conde Molé , otro conservador. Thiers, un reformista, sucedió a Molé pero luego fue despedido por Luis Felipe después de intentar seguir una política exterior agresiva. Después de Thiers, el conservador Guizot fue elegido primer ministro.
En particular, la administración de Guizot se caracterizó por una represión cada vez más autoritaria del republicanismo y la disidencia, y una política cada vez más pro empresarial. Esta política incluía aranceles proteccionistas que defendían el status quo y enriquecían a los empresarios franceses. El gobierno de Guizot otorgó contratos ferroviarios y mineros a los partidarios burgueses del gobierno y contribuyó con algunos de los costos iniciales de estas empresas. Como los trabajadores bajo estas políticas no tenían derecho legal a reunirse, sindicalizarse o solicitar al gobierno un aumento salarial o una reducción de las horas, la Monarquía de Julio bajo Perier , Molé y Guizot en general resultó perjudicial para las clases bajas. El consejo de Guizot a quienes se vieron privados de sus derechos por los requisitos electorales basados en impuestos fue " enrichissez-vous " (enriquecerse).
Luis Felipe fue empujado al trono por una alianza entre el pueblo de París, los republicanos , que habían levantado barricadas en la capital, y la burguesía liberal . Sin embargo, al final de su reinado, el llamado "rey ciudadano" fue derrocado por levantamientos ciudadanos similares y el uso de barricadas durante la Revolución de febrero de 1848. Esto resultó en la proclamación de la Segunda República . [2]
Tras la destitución de Luis Felipe y su posterior exilio a Gran Bretaña, la facción liberal orleanista (a la que se oponían los legitimistas contrarrevolucionarios ) siguió apoyando el regreso de la Casa de Orleans al trono. Pero la Monarquía de Julio resultó ser la última monarquía borbón-orleanista de Francia (aunque la monarquía se restableció bajo el sobrino de Napoleón Bonaparte, que reinó como Napoleón III de 1852 a 1870). Los legitimistas se retiraron de la política a sus castillos, dejando el camino abierto para la lucha entre los orleanistas y los republicanos.
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Tras el derrocamiento de Napoleón Bonaparte en 1814, los aliados restauraron la dinastía borbónica en el trono francés. El período siguiente, la Restauración borbónica , se caracterizó por la reacción conservadora y el restablecimiento de la Iglesia católica romana como un poder en la política francesa. El relativamente moderado conde de Provenza , hermano del depuesto y ejecutado Luis XVI , gobernó como Luis XVIII de 1814 a 1824 y fue sucedido por su hermano menor más conservador, el ex conde de Artois , que gobernó como Carlos X a partir de 1824. En mayo de 1825 tuvo una elaborada coronación en la catedral de Reims que evocaba la monarquía prerrevolucionaria.
A pesar del regreso de la Casa de Borbón al poder, Francia había cambiado mucho con respecto a la era del Antiguo Régimen . El igualitarismo y el liberalismo de los revolucionarios siguieron siendo una fuerza importante y la autocracia y la jerarquía de la era anterior no pudieron restaurarse por completo. Los cambios económicos, que habían estado en marcha mucho antes de la revolución, habían avanzado más durante los años de agitación y estaban firmemente arraigados en 1815. Estos cambios habían hecho que el poder pasara de los terratenientes nobles a los comerciantes urbanos. Las reformas administrativas de Napoleón, como el Código napoleónico y la burocracia eficiente, también se mantuvieron en su lugar. Estos cambios produjeron un gobierno central unificado que era fiscalmente sólido y tenía mucho control sobre todas las áreas de la vida francesa, una marcada diferencia con la complicada mezcla de tradiciones e instituciones feudales y absolutistas de los Borbones prerrevolucionarios.
Luis XVIII, en su mayoría, aceptó que muchas cosas habían cambiado. Sin embargo, fue empujado hacia su derecha por los ultramonárquicos , encabezados por el conde de Villèle , que condenaron el intento de los doctrinarios de reconciliar la Revolución con la monarquía a través de una monarquía constitucional . En cambio, la Cámara Introuvable , elegida en 1815, primero desterró a todos los convencionales que habían votado por la muerte de Luis XVI y luego aprobó leyes reaccionarias similares. Luis XVIII se vio obligado a disolver esta Cámara, dominada por los ultras , en 1816, temiendo un levantamiento popular. Los liberales gobernaron así hasta el asesinato en 1820 del duque de Berry , sobrino del rey y conocido partidario de los ultras, que llevó de nuevo al poder a los ultras de Villèle (votación de la ley contra el sacrilegio en 1825, y de la loi sur le milliard des émigrés , 'Ley sobre los miles de millones de los emigrados'). Su hermano Carlos X , sin embargo, adoptó una postura mucho más conservadora. Intentó compensar a los aristócratas por lo que habían perdido en la revolución, restringió la libertad de prensa y reafirmó el poder de la Iglesia. En 1830, el descontento causado por estos cambios y el nombramiento autoritario por parte de Carlos del príncipe ultra de Polignac como ministro culminó en un levantamiento en las calles de París, conocido como la Revolución de julio de 1830 . Carlos se vio obligado a huir y Luis Felipe de Orleans , miembro de la rama de Orleans de la familia e hijo de Felipe Igualdad , que había votado la muerte de su primo Luis XVI, ascendió al trono. Luis Felipe no gobernó como "rey de Francia", sino como "rey de los franceses" (una diferencia evocadora para sus contemporáneos).
El 7 de agosto de 1830 se revisó la Carta de 1814. Se suprimió el preámbulo que restablecía el Antiguo Régimen y el rey de Francia se convirtió en el " rey de los franceses " (también conocido como "rey ciudadano"), estableciendo el principio de la soberanía nacional sobre el principio del derecho divino . La nueva Carta fue un compromiso entre los doctrinarios opuestos a Carlos X y los republicanos. Se derogaron las leyes que imponían el catolicismo y la censura y se restableció la bandera tricolor revolucionaria.
El 9 de agosto, Luis Felipe juró la Carta de 1830, que dio origen a la Monarquía de Julio. Dos días después, se formó el primer gabinete, que reunió a la oposición constitucionalista a Carlos X, entre ellos Casimir Perier , el banquero Jacques Laffitte , el conde Molé , el duque de Broglie , François Guizot , etc. El nuevo gobierno tenía como primer objetivo restablecer el orden público, al mismo tiempo que parecía aclamar a las fuerzas revolucionarias que acababan de triunfar. Con la ayuda del pueblo de París para derrocar a los legitimistas, la burguesía orleanista tuvo que establecer su nuevo orden.
El 13 de agosto de 1830, Luis Felipe decidió adoptar las armas de la Casa de Orleans como símbolos estatales. El 29 de agosto, al pasar revista a un desfile de la Guardia Nacional parisina que aclamaba la adopción, exclamó a su jefe, Lafayette : «¡Esto vale más para mí que la coronación en Reims !». [3] El nuevo régimen decidió entonces, el 11 de octubre, que todas las personas heridas durante la revolución (500 huérfanos, 500 viudas y 3.850 heridos) serían indemnizadas económicamente y presentó un proyecto de ley para indemnizarlas por un importe de 7 millones de francos, creando también una medalla conmemorativa para los revolucionarios de julio.
Los ministros perdieron sus títulos honoríficos de Monseñor y Excelencia y pasaron a ser simplemente Monsieur le ministre . El hijo mayor del nuevo rey, Fernando Felipe , recibió el título de duque de Orleans y príncipe real, mientras que sus hijas y su hermana, Adelaida de Orleans , fueron nombradas princesas de Orleans, y no de Francia, ya que ya no existían ni "rey de Francia" ni "casa de Francia".
Se derogaron las leyes impopulares aprobadas durante la Restauración, incluida la ley de amnistía de 1816 que había desterrado a los regicidas , con excepción del artículo 4, relativo a la familia Bonaparte . La iglesia de Santa Genoveva recuperó sus funciones de edificio laico, bautizada como Panteón . Se impusieron diversas restricciones presupuestarias a la Iglesia católica y se derogó la ley contra el sacrilegio de 1825 , que preveía la pena de muerte para los sacrilegios.
Los disturbios civiles continuaron durante tres meses, apoyados por la prensa de izquierdas . El gobierno de Luis Felipe no fue capaz de ponerle fin, sobre todo porque la Guardia Nacional estaba dirigida por uno de los líderes republicanos, el marqués de La Fayette , que abogaba por un «trono popular rodeado de instituciones republicanas». Los republicanos se agruparon entonces en clubes populares, en la tradición establecida por la Revolución de 1789. Algunos de ellos eran frentes de sociedades secretas (por ejemplo, la Sociedad Blanquista de Amigos del Pueblo ), que buscaban reformas políticas y sociales, o la ejecución de los ministros de Carlos X ( Jules de Polignac , Jean de Chantelauze , el conde de Peyronnet y Marcial de Guernon-Ranville ). Las huelgas y las manifestaciones eran permanentes. [4]
Para estabilizar la economía y asegurar finalmente el orden público, en el otoño de 1830 el gobierno hizo que la Asamblea votara un crédito de 5 millones de francos para subvencionar obras públicas, en especial carreteras. Luego, para evitar las quiebras y el aumento del desempleo, sobre todo en París, el gobierno emitió una garantía para las empresas en dificultades, concediéndoles 60 millones de francos. Estas subvenciones fueron principalmente a parar a los bolsillos de los grandes empresarios alineados con el nuevo régimen, como el impresor Firmin Didot .
La muerte del príncipe de Condé el 27 de agosto de 1830, que fue encontrado ahorcado, provocó el primer escándalo de la Monarquía de Julio. Sin pruebas, los legitimistas acusaron rápidamente a Luis Felipe y a la reina María Amelia de haber asesinado al príncipe ultramonárquico , con el supuesto motivo de permitir a su hijo, el duque de Aumale , hacerse con su fortuna. Sin embargo, se acepta comúnmente que el príncipe murió a consecuencia de juegos sexuales con su amante, la baronesa de Feuchères .
Mientras tanto, el gobierno expulsó de la administración a todos los partidarios legitimistas que se negaron a jurar lealtad al nuevo régimen, lo que provocó el regreso a los asuntos políticos de la mayor parte del personal del Primer Imperio , que a su vez había sido expulsado durante la Segunda Restauración. Esta renovación del personal político y administrativo fue ilustrada humorísticamente por un vodevil de Jean-François Bayard . [5] El ministro del Interior, Guizot , volvió a nombrar a toda la administración prefectoral y a los alcaldes de las grandes ciudades. El ministro de Justicia, Dupont de l'Eure , asistido por su secretario general, Mérilhou , destituyó a la mayoría de los fiscales. En el ejército, el general de Bourmont , seguidor de Carlos X que comandaba la invasión de Argelia , fue reemplazado por Bertrand Clauzel . Los generales, embajadores, ministros plenipotenciarios y la mitad del Consejo de Estado fueron reemplazados. En la Cámara de Diputados , una cuarta parte de los escaños (119) fueron sometidos a una nueva elección en octubre, lo que supuso la derrota de los legitimistas.
Sin embargo, en términos sociológicos, esta renovación de las figuras políticas no marcó un gran cambio en las élites. Los antiguos terratenientes, los funcionarios y las profesiones liberales continuaron dominando el estado de cosas, lo que llevó al historiador David H. Pinkney a negar cualquier afirmación de un "nuevo régimen de la gran burguesía ". [6]
Aunque algunas voces comenzaron a presionar para cerrar los clubes republicanos que fomentaban la agitación revolucionaria, el ministro de Justicia, Dupont de l'Eure , y el fiscal parisino, Bernard, ambos republicanos, se negaron a perseguir a las asociaciones revolucionarias (la ley francesa prohibía las reuniones de más de 20 personas).
Sin embargo, el 25 de septiembre de 1830, el ministro del Interior Guizot respondió a la pregunta de un diputado sobre el tema estigmatizando el "Estado revolucionario", que confundió con el caos, al que opuso la Revolución Gloriosa en Inglaterra en 1688. [7]
Dos corrientes políticas hicieron su aparición a partir de entonces, y estructurarían la vida política bajo la Monarquía de Julio: el Partido del Movimiento y el Partido de la Resistencia . El primero era reformista y partidario de apoyar a los nacionalistas que intentaban, en toda Europa, sacudirse el yugo de los diversos imperios para crear Estados-nación . Su portavoz era Le National . El segundo era conservador y partidario de la paz con los monarcas europeos, y tenía como portavoz a Le Journal des débats .
El proceso de los ministros de Carlos X, detenidos en agosto de 1830 mientras huían, se convirtió en el principal tema político. La izquierda exigía sus cabezas, pero Luis Felipe se oponía , temiendo una espiral de violencia y la reanudación del Terror revolucionario . Así, el 27 de septiembre de 1830, la Cámara de Diputados aprobó una resolución que inculpaba a los antiguos ministros, pero al mismo tiempo, en un discurso dirigido al rey Luis Felipe el 8 de octubre, le invitó a presentar un proyecto de ley que aboliera la pena de muerte , al menos para los delitos políticos. Esto a su vez provocó el descontento popular los días 17 y 18 de octubre, con las masas marchando hacia el castillo de Vincennes, donde estaban detenidos los antiguos ministros.
Tras estos disturbios, el ministro del Interior, Guizot, pidió la dimisión del prefecto del Sena , Odilon Barrot , que había criticado el discurso de los parlamentarios al rey. Apoyado por Victor de Broglie , Guizot consideró que un alto funcionario no podía criticar un acto de la Cámara de Diputados, sobre todo cuando había sido aprobado por el rey y su gobierno. Dupont de l'Eure se puso del lado de Barrot , amenazando con dimitir si el rey lo desautorizaba. El banquero Laffitte , una de las principales figuras del Partido del Movimiento , se presentó entonces para coordinar a los ministros con el título de " presidente del Consejo ". Esto provocó inmediatamente la dimisión de Broglie y Guizot, del Partido del Orden , seguidos de Casimir Perier , André Dupin , el conde Molé y Joseph-Dominique Louis . Ante la derrota del Partido del Orden , Luis Felipe decidió llevar a Laffitte a juicio, con la esperanza de que el ejercicio del poder lo desacreditara. Así pues, lo convocó a formar un nuevo gobierno el 2 de noviembre de 1830.
Aunque Luis Felipe estaba fuertemente en desacuerdo con el banquero Laffitte y prometió en secreto al duque de Broglie que no lo apoyaría en absoluto, el nuevo presidente del Consejo fue engañado para que confiara en su rey.
El proceso contra los antiguos ministros de Carlos X se desarrolló del 15 al 21 de diciembre de 1830 ante la Cámara de los Pares , rodeada de alborotadores que exigían su muerte. Finalmente fueron condenados a cadena perpetua, acompañada de la pena de muerte civil para Polignac . La Guardia Nacional de La Fayette mantuvo el orden público en París, afirmándose como el guardián burgués del nuevo régimen, mientras que el nuevo ministro del Interior, Camille de Montalivet , mantuvo a salvo a los antiguos ministros deteniéndolos en el castillo de Vincennes.
Pero al demostrar la importancia de la Guardia Nacional, La Fayette había hecho que su posición fuera delicada y se vio obligado rápidamente a dimitir, lo que provocó la dimisión del ministro de Justicia, Dupont de l'Eure . Para evitar la dependencia exclusiva de la Guardia Nacional, el "Rey Ciudadano" encargó al mariscal Soult , nuevo ministro de la Guerra , la reorganización del ejército . En febrero de 1831, Soult presentó su proyecto, destinado a aumentar la eficacia militar. Entre otras reformas, el proyecto incluía la ley del 9 de marzo de 1831 por la que se creaba la Legión Extranjera .
Mientras tanto, el gobierno aplicó diversas reformas exigidas por el Partido del Movimiento y que habían sido recogidas en la Carta (art. 69). La ley del 21 de marzo de 1831 sobre los consejos municipales restableció el principio de elección y amplió el electorado (fundado en el sufragio censitario ), que se multiplicó por diez en comparación con las elecciones legislativas (aproximadamente de 2 a 3 millones de electores sobre una población total de 32,6 millones). La ley del 22 de marzo de 1831 reorganizó la Guardia Nacional; la ley del 19 de abril de 1831, votada tras dos meses de debates en el Parlamento y promulgada tras la caída de Laffitte , redujo el nivel de ingresos electorales de 300 a 200 francos y el nivel de elegibilidad de 1.000 a 500 francos. El número de electores aumentó de menos de 100.000 a 166.000: un francés de cada 170 tenía derecho a voto y el número de distritos electorales aumentó de 430 a 459.
A pesar de estas reformas, que apuntaban a la burguesía más que al pueblo, París volvió a sufrir disturbios el 14 y el 15 de febrero de 1831, que llevaron a la caída de Laffitte . La causa inmediata de los disturbios fue un funeral organizado por los legitimistas en la iglesia de Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois en memoria del ultramonárquico duque de Berry , asesinado en 1820. La conmemoración se convirtió en una manifestación política en favor de Enrique, conde de Chambord , pretendiente legitimista al trono. Viendo en esta celebración una provocación intolerable, los alborotadores republicanos saquearon la iglesia durante dos días seguidos, antes de atacar otras iglesias. El movimiento revolucionario se extendió a otras ciudades.
Ante la reanudación de los disturbios, el gobierno se abstuvo de toda represión enérgica. El prefecto del Sena, Odilon Barrot , el prefecto de policía, Jean-Jacques Baude , y el nuevo comandante de la Guardia Nacional, el general Georges Mouton , permanecieron pasivos, lo que desencadenó la indignación de Guizot y las críticas del republicano Armand Carrel contra la demagogia del gobierno. Lejos de reprimir a las multitudes, el gobierno hizo arrestar al arzobispo de París , Monseñor de Quélen , y acusó al fraile de Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois y a otros sacerdotes, así como a otros monárquicos, de haber provocado a las masas.
En un gesto de apaciguamiento, Laffitte , apoyado por el príncipe real Fernando Felipe , duque de Orleans , propuso al rey que retirase la flor de lis , símbolo del Antiguo Régimen , del sello del Estado. Con evidente desagrado, Luis Felipe firmó finalmente la ordenanza del 16 de febrero de 1831 que sustituía las armas de la Casa de Orleans por un escudo con un libro abierto en el que se podía leer " Charte de 1830 ". La flor de lis también fue retirada de los edificios públicos, etc. Esta nueva derrota del rey selló el destino de Laffitte .
El 19 de febrero de 1831, Guizot atacó verbalmente a Laffitte en la Cámara de Diputados, desafiándolo a disolver la Cámara y presentarse ante los electores. Laffitte aceptó, pero el rey, que era el único con derecho a disolver la Cámara, prefirió esperar unos días más. Mientras tanto, el prefecto del Sena, Odilon Barrot, fue reemplazado por Taillepied de Bondy a petición de Montalivet , y el prefecto de policía, Jean-Jacques Baude, por Vivien de Goubert . Para colmo de males, en este clima insurreccional, la situación económica era bastante mala.
Luis Felipe consiguió finalmente que Laffitte dimitiera haciendo que su ministro de Asuntos Exteriores, Horace Sébastiani , le pasara una nota escrita por el embajador francés en Viena , el mariscal Maison , que había llegado a París el 4 de marzo de 1831, en la que se anunciaba una inminente intervención austriaca en Italia. Al enterarse de esta nota en Le Moniteur del 8 de marzo, Laffitte pidió explicaciones inmediatas a Sébastiani , quien respondió que había seguido las órdenes reales. Tras una reunión con el rey, Laffitte presentó al Consejo de Ministros un programa beligerante, y posteriormente fue desautorizado, lo que le obligó a dimitir. La mayoría de sus ministros ya habían negociado sus puestos en el futuro gobierno.
Tras haber conseguido superar al Partido del Movimiento , el «Rey Ciudadano» llamó al poder al Partido de la Resistencia . Sin embargo, Luis Felipe no se sentía mucho más cómodo con uno de los dos bandos que con el otro, ya que estaba más cerca del centro. Además, no sentía ninguna simpatía por su líder, el banquero Casimir Pierre Périer , que sustituyó a Laffitte el 13 de marzo de 1831 a la cabeza del gobierno. Su objetivo era más bien restablecer el orden en el país, dejando al Partido de la Resistencia asumir la responsabilidad de las medidas impopulares.
Périer , sin embargo, logró imponer sus condiciones al rey, incluida la preeminencia del presidente del Consejo sobre los demás ministros y su derecho a convocar consejos de ministros fuera de la presencia real del rey. Además, Casimir Perier consiguió que el príncipe real liberal, Fernando Felipe de Orleans , dejara de participar en el Consejo de Ministros. A pesar de esto, Perier valoraba el prestigio del rey y le pidió, el 21 de septiembre de 1831, que se mudara de su residencia familiar, el Palacio Real , al palacio real, las Tullerías .
El banquero Périer estableció el 18 de marzo de 1831 los principios del nuevo gobierno: la solidaridad ministerial y la autoridad del gobierno sobre la administración: "el principio de la Revolución de Julio... no es la insurrección... es la resistencia a la agresión del poder" [8] y, en el plano internacional, "una actitud pacífica y el respeto del principio de no intervención". La gran mayoría de la Cámara aplaudió al nuevo gobierno y le concedió una cómoda mayoría. Périer consiguió el apoyo del gabinete mediante juramentos de solidaridad y una estricta disciplina para los disidentes. Excluyó a los reformistas del discurso oficial y abandonó la política oficiosa del régimen de mediar en los conflictos laborales en favor de una estricta política de laissez-faire que favorecía a los empleadores.
El 14 de marzo de 1831, por iniciativa de una sociedad patriótica creada por el alcalde de Metz , Jean-Baptiste Bouchotte , la prensa de la oposición lanzó una campaña para recaudar fondos con el fin de crear una asociación nacional destinada a luchar contra toda restauración borbónica y los riesgos de invasión extranjera. Todas las grandes figuras de la izquierda republicana ( La Fayette , Dupont de l'Eure , Jean Maximilien Lamarque , Odilon Barrot , etc.) la apoyaron. Se crearon comités locales en toda Francia, lo que llevó al nuevo presidente del Consejo, Casimir Périer , a publicar una circular que prohibía a los funcionarios pertenecer a esta asociación, a la que acusaba de desafiar al propio Estado al acusarlo implícitamente de no cumplir con sus deberes.
A principios de abril de 1831, el gobierno tomó algunas medidas impopulares, obligando a varias personalidades importantes a dimitir: Odilon Barrot fue destituido del Consejo de Estado , el mando militar del general Lamarque fue suprimido, Bouchotte y el marqués de Laborde fueron obligados a dimitir. Cuando el 15 de abril de 1831 la Corte de Asis absolvió a varios jóvenes republicanos ( Godefroy Cavaignac , Joseph Guinard y el hijo de Audry de Puyraveau ), en su mayoría oficiales de la Guardia Nacional que habían sido arrestados durante los disturbios de diciembre de 1830 tras el juicio a los ministros de Carlos X, nuevos disturbios aclamaron la noticia el 15 y 16 de abril. Pero Périer , aplicando la ley del 10 de abril de 1831 que prohibía las reuniones públicas, utilizó tanto a los militares como a la Guardia Nacional para disolver a las multitudes. En mayo, el gobierno utilizó por primera vez las mangueras contra incendios como técnicas de control de multitudes .
El 14 de junio de 1831 se produjo un nuevo motín en la calle Saint-Denis que degeneró en una batalla abierta contra la Guardia Nacional, con la ayuda de los dragones y la infantería. Los motines continuaron el 15 y el 16 de junio.
Sin embargo, los disturbios más importantes se produjeron en Lyon con la revuelta de los Canuts , que comenzó el 21 de noviembre de 1831 y durante la cual partes de la Guardia Nacional se pusieron del lado de los manifestantes. En dos días, los Canuts tomaron el control de la ciudad y expulsaron al general Roguet y al alcalde Victor Prunelle . El 25 de noviembre, Casimir Périer anunció a la Cámara de Diputados que el mariscal Soult , asistido por el Príncipe Real, marcharía inmediatamente sobre Lyon con 20.000 hombres. Entraron en la ciudad el 3 de diciembre y restablecieron el orden sin derramamiento de sangre.
Sin embargo, los disturbios civiles continuaron, y no sólo en París. El 11 de marzo de 1832, estalló una sedición en Grenoble durante el carnaval . El prefecto había cancelado las festividades después de que se exhibiera una máscara grotesca de Luis Felipe , lo que provocó manifestaciones populares. El prefecto intentó entonces que la Guardia Nacional dispersara a la multitud, pero esta se negó a ir, lo que le obligó a llamar al ejército. El 35.º regimiento de infantería ( infantería de línea ) obedeció las órdenes, pero esto a su vez llevó a la población a exigir su expulsión de la ciudad. Esto se hizo el 15 de marzo y el 35.º regimiento fue reemplazado por el 6.º regimiento, de Lyon. Cuando Casimir Perier se enteró de la noticia, disolvió la Guardia Nacional de Grenoble y llamó inmediatamente al 35.º regimiento a la ciudad.
Además de estos disturbios permanentes, en todas las provincias, en el Delfinado , en Picardía , en Carcasona , en Alsacia , etc., diversas conspiraciones republicanas amenazaron al gobierno (conspiración de las Tours de Notre-Dame en enero de 1832, de la calle de los Prouvaires en febrero de 1832, etc.). Incluso los procesos de los sospechosos fueron aprovechados por los republicanos como una oportunidad para dirigirse al pueblo: en el proceso de la Sociedad blanquista de Amigos del Pueblo en enero de 1832, Raspail criticó duramente al rey mientras que Auguste Blanqui dio rienda suelta a sus ideas socialistas. Todos los acusados denunciaron la tiranía del gobierno , el altísimo coste de la lista civil de Luis Felipe , las persecuciones policiales, etc. La omnipresencia de la policía francesa , organizada durante el Primer Imperio por Fouché , fue descrita por el escritor legitimista Balzac en Splendeurs et misères des courtisanes . La fuerza de la oposición llevó al Príncipe Real a desplazar su punto de vista un poco más hacia la derecha.
En la segunda quincena de mayo de 1831, Luis Felipe , acompañado por el mariscal Soult , emprendió una visita oficial a Normandía y Picardía , donde fue bien recibido. Del 6 de junio al 1 de julio de 1831, viajó al este, donde había una mayor actividad republicana y bonapartista , junto con sus dos hijos mayores, el príncipe real y el duque de Nemours , así como con el conde de Argout . El rey hizo escala en Meaux , Château-Thierry , Châlons-sur-Marne (rebautizada en 1998 como Châlons-en-Champagne ), Valmy , Verdún y Metz . Allí, en nombre del consejo municipal, el alcalde pronunció un discurso muy político en el que expresó el deseo de que se abolieran los títulos nobiliarios , añadiendo que Francia debía intervenir en Polonia para ayudar al Levantamiento de Noviembre contra Rusia. Luis Felipe rechazó de plano todas estas aspiraciones, afirmando que los ayuntamientos y la Guardia Nacional no tenían competencia en la materia. El rey continuó sus visitas a Nancy , Lunéville , Estrasburgo , Colmar , Mulhouse , Besançon y Troyes , y sus visitas fueron, en general, ocasiones para reafirmar su autoridad.
El 31 de mayo de 1831, Luis Felipe decidió en el castillo de Saint-Cloud disolver la Cámara de Diputados y fijar las elecciones legislativas para el 5 de julio de 1831. Sin embargo, firmó otra ordenanza el 23 de junio en Colmar para aplazar las elecciones al 23 de julio de 1831, con el fin de evitar el riesgo de agitación republicana durante las conmemoraciones de la Revolución de Julio. Las elecciones generales de 1831 se desarrollaron sin incidentes, según la nueva ley electoral del 19 de abril de 1831. Sin embargo, los resultados decepcionaron al rey y al presidente del Consejo, Périer : más de la mitad de los diputados salientes fueron reelegidos y sus posiciones políticas eran desconocidas. Los legitimistas obtuvieron 104 escaños, los liberales orleanistas 282 y los republicanos 73.
El 23 de julio de 1831, el rey expuso el programa de Casimir Périer en el discurso del Trono : aplicación estricta de la Carta en el interior y defensa estricta de los intereses de Francia y de su independencia en el exterior.
Los diputados de la Cámara votaron entonces para elegir a su presidente , y en la segunda vuelta eligieron al barón Girod de l'Ain , candidato del gobierno, que obtuvo 181 votos frente a los 176 del banquero Laffitte . Pero Dupont de l'Eure obtuvo la vicepresidencia primera con 182 votos de un total de 344, derrotando al candidato del gobierno, André Dupin , que sólo obtuvo 153 votos. Casimir Périer , que consideró que su mayoría parlamentaria no era lo suficientemente fuerte, decidió dimitir.
Luis Felipe se volvió entonces hacia Odilon Barrot , que se negó a asumir responsabilidades gubernamentales, señalando que sólo contaba con cien diputados en la Cámara. Sin embargo, durante las elecciones de questeurs y secretarios del 2 y 2 de agosto de 1831, la Cámara eligió sobre todo a candidatos gubernamentales como André Dupin y Benjamin Delessert , que obtuvo una fuerte mayoría frente a un candidato de extrema izquierda, Eusebio de Salverte . Finalmente,la decisión de Guillermo I de los Países Bajos de invadir Bélgica (la Revolución belga había tenido lugar el año anterior) el 2 de agosto de 1831 obligó a Casimir Perier a permanecer en el poder para responder a la petición de ayuda de los belgas.
Durante los debates parlamentarios sobre la inminente intervención francesa en Bélgica, varios diputados, encabezados por el barón Bignon , pidieron sin éxito una intervención similar para apoyar la independencia de Polonia. Sin embargo, en el plano interno, Casimir Perier decidió dar marcha atrás ante la oposición dominante y satisfizo una antigua reivindicación de la izquierda aboliendo los títulos nobiliarios hereditarios. Finalmente, la ley del 2 de marzo de 1832 sobre la lista civil de Luis Felipe la fijó en 12 millones de francos al año y en un millón para el príncipe real, el duque de Orleans . La ley del 28 de abril de 1832, que lleva el nombre del ministro de Justicia Félix Barthe , reformó el Código Penal de 1810 y el Código de instrucción criminal .
The cholera pandemic that originated in India in 1815 reached Paris around 20 March 1832 and killed more than 13,000 people in April. The pandemic would last until September 1832, killing in total 100,000 in France, with 20,000 in Paris alone.[9] The disease, the origins of which were unknown at the time, provoked a popular panic. The people of Paris suspected poisoners, while scavengers and beggars revolted against the authoritarian measures of public health.
According to the 20th-century historian and philosopher Michel Foucault, the cholera outbreak was first fought by what he called "social medicine", which focused on flux, circulation of air, location of cemeteries, etc. All of these concerns, born of the miasma theory of disease, were thus concerned with urbanist concerns of the management of populations.
Cholera also struck the royal princess Madame Adélaïde, as well as d'Argout and Guizot. Casimir Périer, who on 1 April 1832 visited the patients at the Hôtel-Dieu with the Prince Royal, contracted the disease. He resigned his ministerial activities before dying of cholera on 16 May 1832.
King Louis-Philippe did not regret the departure of Casimir Périer from the political scene, as he complained that Périer took all the credit for the government's policy successes, while he himself had to assume all the criticism for its failures.[10] The "Citizen King" was therefore not in any hurry to find a new President of the Council, all the more since the Parliament was in recess and that the troubled situation demanded swift and energetic measures.
Indeed, the regime was being attacked on all sides. The Legitimist Duchess of Berry attempted an uprising in spring 1832 in Provence and Vendée, a stronghold of the ultra-royalists, while the Republicans headed an insurrection in Paris on 5 June 1832, on the occasion of the funeral of one of their leaders, General Lamarque, also struck dead by the cholera. General Mouton crushed the rebellion. (Victor Hugo later described the scene in his 1862 novel Les Misérables.)
This double victory, over both Legitimists and the Republicans, was a success for the July Monarchy regime.[11] Furthermore, the death of the Duke of Reichstadt (Napoléon II) on 22 July 1832, in Vienna, marked another setback for the Bonapartist opposition.
Finally, Louis-Philippe married his elder daughter, Louise d'Orléans, to the newly-appointed King of the Belgians, Leopold I, on the anniversary of the establishment of the July Monarchy (9 August). Since the Archbishop of Paris, Quélen (a Legitimist), refused to celebrate this mixed marriage between a Catholic and a Lutheran, the wedding took place in the Château de Compiègne. This royal alliance strengthened Louis-Philippe's position abroad.
Louis-Philippe called a trusted man, Marshal Soult, to the Presidency of the Council in October 1832. Soult was supported by a triumvirate composed of the main politicians of that time: Adolphe Thiers, the duc de Broglie and François Guizot. The conservative Journal des débats spoke of a "coalition of all talents",[12] while the King of the French would eventually speak, with obvious disappointment, of a "Casimir Périer in three persons". In a circular addressed to the high civil-servants and military officers, the new President of the Council, Soult, stated that he would explicitly follow the policies of Périer ("order at home", "peace abroad") and denounced both the Legitimist right-wing opposition and the Republican left-wing opposition.
The new Minister of Interior, Adolphe Thiers, had his first success on 7 November 1832 with the arrest in Nantes of the rebellious Duchess of Berry, who was detained in the citadel of Blaye. The duchess was then expelled to Palermo in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies on 8 June 1833.
The opening of the parliamentary session on 19 November 1832, was a success for the regime. The governmental candidate, André Dupin, was easily elected on the first round as President of the Chamber, with 234 votes against 136 for the candidate of the opposition, Jacques Laffitte.
In Belgium, Marshal Gérard assisted the young Belgian monarchy with 70,000 men, taking back the citadel of Antwerp, which capitulated on 23 December 1832.
Strengthened by these recent successes, Louis-Philippe initiated two visits to the provinces, first into the north to meet with the victorious Marshal Gérard and his men, and then into Normandy, where Legitimist troubles continued, from August to September 1833. In order to conciliate public opinion, the members of the new government took some popular measures, such as a program of public works, leading to the completion of the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, and the re-establishment, on 21 June 1833, of Napoleon I's statue on the Colonne Vendôme. The Minister of Public Instruction and Cults, François Guizot, had the famous law on primary education passed in June 1833, leading to the creation of an elementary school in each commune.
Finally, a ministerial change was enacted after the Duke de Broglie's resignation on 1 April 1834. Broglie had found himself in a minority in the Chamber concerning the ratification of a treaty signed with the United States in 1831. This was a source of satisfaction for the king, as it removed from the triumvirate the individual he disliked the most.
The ministerial change coincided with the return of violent unrest in various cities of France. At the end of February 1834, a new law that subjected the activities of town criers to public authorization led to several days of confrontations with the police. Furthermore, the 10 April 1834 law, primarily aimed against the Republican Society of the Rights of Man (Société des Droits de l'Homme), envisioned a crack-down on non-authorized associations. On 9 April 1834, when the Chamber of Peers was to vote on the law, the Second Canut Revolt exploded in Lyon. The Minister of the Interior, Adolphe Thiers, decided to abandon the city to the insurgents, taking it back on 13 April with casualties of 100 to 200 dead on both sides.
The Republicans attempted to spread the insurrection to other cities, but failed in Marseille, Vienne, Poitiers and Châlons-sur-Marne. More serious Republican threats developed in Grenoble and especially in Saint-Étienne on 11 April, but finally public order was restored. The greater danger to the regime was, as often, in Paris. Expecting trouble, Thiers had concentrated 40,000 men there, who were visited by the king on 10 April. Furthermore, Thiers had made "preventive arrests" of 150 principal leaders of the Society of the Rights of Man and outlawed its mouthpiece, La Tribune des départements. Despite these measures, barricades were set up in the evening of 13 April 1834, leading to harsh repression, including a massacre of all the inhabitants (men, women, children and old people) of a house from where a shot had been fired. This incident was immortalized in a lithograph by Honoré Daumier.
To express their support for the monarchy, both Chambers gathered in the Palace of the Tuileries on 14 April. In a gesture of appeasement, Louis-Philippe canceled his feast-day celebration on 1 May, and publicly announced that the sums that were to have been used for these festivities would be dedicated to the orphans, widows and injured. In the same time, he ordered Marshal Soult to publicize these events widely across France (the provinces being more conservative than Paris), to convince them of the "necessary increase in the Army".[13]
More than 2,000 arrests were made following the riots, in particular in Paris and Lyon. The cases were referred to the Chamber of Peers, which, in accordance with art. 28 of the Charter of 1830, dealt with cases of conspiracy against state security (French: attentat contre la sûreté de l'État). The Republican movement was decapitated, so much that even the funeral of La Fayette (died 20 May 1834), passed with little incident. As early as 13 May the Chamber of Deputies voted a credit of 14 million in order to increase the army to 360,000 men. Two days later, they also adopted a very repressive law on detention and use of military weapons.
Louis-Philippe decided to seize the opportunity of dissolving the Chamber and organizing new elections, which were held on 21 June 1834. However, the results were not as favorable to him as expected: although the Republicans were almost eliminated, the Opposition retained around 150 seats (approximately 30 Legitimists, the rest being followers of Odilon Barrot, who was an Orléanist supporter of the regime, but headed the Parti du mouvement). Furthermore, in the ranks of the majority itself, composed of about 300 deputies, a new faction, the Tiers-Parti, led by André Dupin, could on some occasions defect from the majority and give its votes to the Left. On 31 July the new Chamber re-elected Dupin as President of the Chamber with 247 votes against 33 for Jacques Laffitte and 24 for Pierre-Paul Royer-Collard. Furthermore, a large majority (256 against 39) voted an ambiguous address to the king which, although polite, did not abstain from criticizing him. The latter immediately decided, on 16 August 1834, to prorogue Parliament until the end of the year.
Thiers and Guizot, who dominated the triumvirate, decided to get rid of Marshal Soult, who was appreciated by the king for his compliant attitude. Seizing the opportunity of an incident concerning the French possessions in Algeria, they pushed Soult to resign on 18 July 1834. He was replaced by Marshal Gérard, with the other ministers remaining in place. Gérard however, was forced to resign in turn, on 29 October 1834, over the question of an amnesty for the 2,000 prisoners detained in April. Louis-Philippe, the Doctrinaires (including Guizot and Thiers) and the core of the government opposed the amnesty, but the Tiers-Parti managed to convince Gérard to announce it, underscoring the logistical difficulties in organizing such a large trial before the Chamber of Peers.
Gérard's resignation opened up a four-month ministerial crisis, until Louis-Philippe finally assembled a government entirely from the Tiers-Parti. However, after André Dupin's refusal to assume its presidency, the king made the mistake of calling, on 10 November 1834, a figure from the First Empire, the duc de Bassano, to head his government. The latter, crippled with debts, became the object of public ridicule after his creditors decided to seize his ministerial salary. Alarmed, all the ministers decided to resign, three days later, without even advising Bassano, whose government became known as the "Three Days Ministry". On 18 November 1834, Louis-Philippe called Marshal Mortier, Duke of Trévise, to the Presidency, and the latter formed exactly the same government as Bassano. This crisis made the Tiers-Parti ridiculous while the Doctrinaires triumphed.
On 1 December 1834, Mortier's government decided to submit a motion of confidence to the Parliament, obtaining a clear majority (184 votes to 117). Despite this, Mortier had to resign two months later, on 20 February 1835, officially for health reasons. The opposition had denounced a government without a leader, accusing Mortier of being Louis-Philippe's puppet. The same phrase that Thiers had spoken in opposition to Charles X, "the king reigns but does not rule" (le roi règne mais ne gouverne pas), was now addressed to the "Citizen King".
The polemics which led to Marshal Mortier's resignation, fueled by monarchists such as Baron Massias and the Count of Roederer, all turned around the question of parliamentary prerogative. On the one hand, Louis-Philippe wanted to be able to follow his own policy, in particular in "reserved domains" such as military affairs or diplomacy. As the head of state, he also wanted to be able to lead the government, if need be by bypassing the President of the Council. On the other hand, a number of the deputies stated that the ministers needed a leader commanding a parliamentary majority, and thus wanted to continue the evolution towards parliamentarism which had only been sketched out in the Charter of 1830. The Charter did not include any mechanism for the political accountability of ministers towards the Chamber (confidence motions or for censorship motions). Furthermore, the function of the President of the Council itself was not even set out in the Charter.
In this context, the deputies decided to support Victor de Broglie as head of the government, mainly because he was the king's least preferred choice, as Louis-Philippe disliked both his anglophilia and his independence. After a three-week ministerial crisis, during which the "Citizen King" successively called on Count Molé, André Dupin, Marshal Soult, General Sébastiani and Gérard, he was finally forced to rely on the duc de Broglie and to accept his conditions, which were close to those imposed before by Casimir Périer.
As in the first Soult government, the new cabinet rested on the triumvirate of Broglie (Foreign affairs), Guizot (Public instruction), and Thiers (Interior). Broglie's first act was to take a personal revenge on the Chamber by having it ratify (by 289 votes against 137) the 4 July 1831 treaty with the United States, something which the deputies had refused him in 1834. He also obtained a large majority on the debate over the secret funds, which worked as an unofficial motion of confidence (256 voices against 129).
Broglie's most important task was the trial of the April insurgents, which began on 5 May 1835 before the Chamber of Peers. The Peers finally convicted only 164 detainees on the 2,000 prisoners, of whom 43 were judged in absentia. Those defendants who were present for their trial introduced a great many procedural delays, and attempted by all means to transform the trial into a platform for Republicanism. On 12 July 1835, some of them, including the main leaders of the Parisian insurrection, escaped from the Prison of Sainte-Pélagie through a tunnel. The Court of Peers delivered its sentence on the insurgents of Lyon on 13 August 1835, and on the other defendants in December 1835 and January 1836. The sentences were rather mild: a few condemnations to deportation, many short prison sentences and some acquittals.
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Against their hopes, the trial finally turned to the Republicans' disadvantage, by giving them a radical image which reminded the public opinion of the excesses of Jacobinism and frightened the bourgeois. The Fieschi attentat of July 1835, which took place on Paris during a review of the National Guard by Louis-Philippe for the commemorations of the July Revolution, further scared the notables.
On the Boulevard du Temple, near the Place de la République, a volley gun composed of 25 gun barrels mounted on a wooden frame was fired on the king from the upstairs window of a house. The King was only slightly injured, while his sons, Ferdinand Philippe, Duke of Orléans, Prince Louis, Duke of Nemours and François d'Orléans, prince de Joinville, escaped unharmed. However, Marshal Mortier and ten other persons were killed, while tens were injured (among which seven died in the following days).
The conspirators, the adventurer Giuseppe Fieschi and two Republicans (Pierre Morey and Théodore Pépin) members of the Society of Human Rights, were arrested in September 1835. Judged before the Court of Peers, they were sentenced to death and guillotined on 19 February 1836.
The Fieschi assassination attempt shocked the bourgeoisie and most of France, which was generally more conservative than the people of Paris. The Republicans were discredited in the country, and public opinion was ready for strong measures against them.
The first law reinforced the powers of the president of the Cour d'assises and of the public prosecutor against those accused of rebellion, possession of prohibited weapons or attempted insurrection. It was adopted on 13 August 1835, by 212 votes to 72.
The second law reformed the procedure before the juries of the Assizes. The existing 4 March 1831 law confined the determination of guilt or innocence to the juries, excluding the professional magistrates belonging to the Cour d'assises, and required a 2/3 majority (8 votes to 4) for a guilty verdict. The new law changed that to a simple majority (7 against 5), and was adopted on 20 August 1835 by 224 votes to 149.
The third law restricted freedom of press, and provoked passionate debates. It aimed at outlawing discussions concerning the king, the dynasty and constitutional monarchy, as it was alleged that these had prepared the ground for Fieschi's attempt. Despite a strong opposition to the draft, the law was approved on 29 August 1835 by 226 votes to 153.
These three laws were simultaneously promulgated on 9 September 1835, and marked the final success of the policy of Résistance pursued against the Republicans since Casimir Périer. The July Monarchy was thereafter sure of its ground, with discussions concerning its legitimacy being completely outlawed. The Opposition could now only discuss the interpretation of the Charter and advocate an evolution towards parliamentarianism. Demands for the enlargement of the electoral base became more frequent, however, in 1840, leading to the re-appearance of Republican Opposition through the claim to universal suffrage.
The Broglie ministry, however, finally fell on a question concerning the public debt. The Minister of Finance, Georges Humann, announced on 14 January 1836 his intention to reduce the interest on government bonds in order to lighten the public debt, a very unpopular measure among the supporters of the regime, since bond interest was a fundamental component of the bourgeoisie's wealth. Therefore, the Council of Ministers immediately disavowed Humann, while the Duke de Broglie explained to the Chamber that his proposal was not supported by the government. However, his tone was judged insulting by the deputies, and one of them, the banker Alexandre Goüin, immediately proposed a draft law concerning bonds himself. On 5 February 1836, a narrow majority of deputies (194 against 192) decided to continue the examination of the draft, thus disavowing Broglie's cabinet. The government immediately resigned: for the first time, a cabinet had fallen after having been put in a minority before the Chamber of Deputies, a sure victory of parliamentarianism.
Louis-Philippe then decided to pretend to play the parliamentary card, with the secret intention of neutralizing it. He took advantage of the ministerial crisis to get rid of the Doctrinaires (Broglie and Guizot), invited some Tiers-Parti politicians to give an illusion of an opening to the Left, and finally called on Adolphe Thiers on 22 February 1836, in an attempt to convince him to distance himself from the liberal Doctrinaires, and also to use up his legitimacy in government, until the time came to call on Count Molé, whom the king had decided a long time before to make his President of the Council. Louis-Philippe thus separated the center-right from the center-left, strategically attempting to dissolve the Tiers-Parti, a dangerous game since this could also lead to the dissolving of the parliamentary majority itself and create endless ministerial crises. Furthermore, as the duc de Broglie himself warned him, when Thiers was eventually pushed out, he would shift decisively to the Left and transform himself in a particularly dangerous opponent.
In the Chamber, the debate on the secret funds, marked by a notable speech by Guizot and an evasive response by the Justice Minister, Sauzet, was concluded with a favorable vote for the government (251 votes to 99). On the other hand, the draft proposal on government bonds was easily postponed by the deputies on 22 March 1836, another sign that it had been only a pretext.
Thiers' motivations for accepting the position of head of the government and taking the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well were to enable him to negotiate the Duke of Orléans's wedding with an Austrian archduchess. Since the Fieschi attempt, Ferdinand-Philippe's wedding (he had just reached 25) had become an obsession of the king, and Thiers wanted to effect a spectacular reversion of alliances in Europe, as Choiseul had done before him. But Metternich and the archduchess Sophie of Bavaria, who dominated the court in Vienna, rejected an alliance with the House of Orléans, which they deemed too unstable.
Another assassination attempt against Louis-Philippe, by Louis Alibaud on 25 June 1836, justified their fears. These two setbacks upset Thiers. On 29 July 1836, the inauguration of the Arc de Triomphe, intended to be the scene of a ceremony of national concord, during which the July Monarchy would harness the glory of the Revolution and of the Empire, finally took place, quietly and unceremoniously, at seven in the morning and without the king being present.
To re-establish his popularity and in order to take his revenge on Austria, Thiers was considering a military intervention in Spain, requested by the Queen Regent Marie Christine de Bourbon who was confronted by the Carlist rebellion. But Louis-Philippe, advised by Talleyrand and Soult, strongly opposed the intervention, which led to Thiers's resignation. This new event, in which the government had fallen not because of parliament but because of a disagreement with the king on foreign policy, demonstrated that the evolution towards parliamentarianism was far from being assured.
Count Molé formed a new government on 6 September 1836, including the Doctrinaires Guizot, Tanneguy Duchâtel and Adrien de Gasparin. This new cabinet did not include any veterans of the July Revolution, something the press immediately highlighted. Molé immediately took some humane measures in order to assure his popularity: the general adoption of small prison cells to avoid "mutual teaching of crime", abolition of chain gangs exposed to the public, and a royal pardon for 52 political prisoners (Legitimists and Republicans), in particular for Charles X' former ministers. On 25 October 1836, the inauguration of the Obelisk of Luxor (a gift from the Wali of Egypt, Muhammad Ali Pasha) on the Place de la Concorde was the scene of a public ovation for the King.
On 30 October 1836, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte attempted an uprising in Strasbourg, which was quickly put down and the Bonapartist prince and his accomplices were arrested on the same day. The king, wanting to avoid a public trial, and without legal proceedings, ordered that Louis-Napoléon be taken to Lorient where he was put on board the frigate L'Andromède, which sailed for the United States on 21 November. The other conspirators were brought before the Cour d'assises of Strasbourg, which acquitted them on 18 January 1837.
Thereafter, on 24 January 1837, the Minister of War, General Simon Bernard, proposed a draft law – loi de disjonction – aimed, in case of insurrection, at separating civilians, who would be judged by the Cour d'assises, and non-civilians, who would be judged by a war council. The opposition adamantly rejected the proposal, and surprisingly managed to have the whole Chamber reject it, on 7 March 1837, by a very slim majority of 211 votes to 209.
However, Louis-Philippe decided to go against public expectation, and the logic of parliamentarianism, by maintaining the Molé government in place. But the government was deprived of any solid parliamentary majority, and thus paralyzed. For a month and a half, the king tried various ministerial combinations before forming a new government which included Camille de Montalivet, who was close to him, but which excluded Guizot, who had more and more difficulty working with Molé, who was once again confirmed as head of the government.
This new government was almost a provocation for the Chamber: not only was Molé retained, but de Salvandy, who had been in charge of the loi de disjonction, and Lacave-Laplagne, in charge of a draft law concerning the Belgian Queen's dowry – both having been rejected by the deputies – were also members of the new cabinet. The press spoke of a "Cabinet of the castle" or "Cabinet of lackeys", and all expected it to be short-lived.
However, in his first speech, on 18 April 1837, Molé cut short his critics with the announcement of the future wedding of Ferdinand Philippe, Duke of Orléans (styled as the Prince Royal) with the Duchess Helene of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Taken by surprise, the deputies voted for the increase of the dowry of both the Duke of Orléans, which had been previously rejected, and the Queen of the Belgians.
After this promising beginning, in May Molé's government managed to secure Parliament's confidence during the debate on the secret funds, despite Odilon Barrot's attacks (250 votes to 112). An 8 May 1837 ordinance granted general amnesty to all political prisoners, while crucifixes were re-established in the courts, and the Church of Saint-Germain l'Auxerrois, closed since 1831, was authorized to renew religious activities. To demonstrate that public order had been restored, the king passed reviewed the National Guard on the Place de la Concorde. On 30 May 1837, the Duke of Orléans' wedding was celebrated at the château de Fontainebleau.
A few days later, on 10 June Louis-Philippe inaugurated the Château de Versailles, the restoration of which, begun in 1833, was intended to establish a Museum of the History of France, dedicated to "all the glories of France". The king had closely followed and personally financed the project entrusted to the architect Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine. In a symbol of national reconciliation, the military glories of the Revolution and of the Empire, even those of the Restoration, were to sit side by side with those of the Ancien Régime.
Molé's government seemed stable, helped by the return of economic prosperity. Therefore, the king and Molé decided, against the Duke of Orléans's advice, that the moment was auspicious for the dissolving of the Chamber, which was done on 3 October 1837. In order to influence the forthcoming elections, Louis-Philippe decided on the Constantine expedition in Algeria, a military success of [[General Sylvain Charles Valée]] and the Duke of Nemours, second son of Louis-Philippe, who took Constantine on 13 October.
However, the 4 November 1837 elections did not deliver Louis-Philippe's hopes. Of a total of 459 deputies, only a plurality of 220 were supporters of the regime. About 20 Legitimists had been elected, and 30 Republicans. The center-right Doctrinaires had approximately 30 deputies, the center-left about twice that many, and the dynastic opposition (Odilon Barrot) 65. The Tiers-Parti had only about 15 deputies, and 30 more were undecided. Such a Chamber carried the risk of the formation of a heterogeneous coalition against the government.
As early as January 1838, the government was under great pressure, in particular from Charles Gauguier, over deputies who were also civil servants. On 9 January he accused the government of electoral manipulation in order to have loyal civil servants elected. Where there had been 178 in the preceding Chamber, there were now 191. Adolphe Thiers and his allies also defied the government, concerning Spanish affairs. However, with the help of the Doctrinaires, Molé obtained a favorable vote for the address to the king on 13 January 1838, with 216 votes to 116.
Molé's cabinet appeared to be taken hostage by the Doctrinaires, at the exact moment when Guizot was distancing himself from the President of the Council. All of Thiers's efforts would be thereafter focused on pushing the Doctrinaires away from the ministerial majority. During the vote on the secret funds, both Guizot, in the Chamber of Deputies, and the Duke of Broglie, in the Chamber of Peers, criticized the cabinet, although both ultimately voted with the government.
On 10 May 1838, the deputies rejected the government's plan for railway development, after having finally agreed, a week earlier, the proposals on government bonds opposed by Molé. The Peers, however, supported Molé and rejected the initiative. On 20 June 1838, Molé succeeded in having the Assembly pass the 1839 budget before the parliamentary recess.
On the opening of the parliamentary session in December 1838, André Dupin was elected by a very slim majority (183 votes for 178 for Hippolyte Passy, the center-left candidate and adamant opponent of the "Castle cabinet") as President of the Chamber. A coalition, including Guizot, Thiers, Prosper Duvergier de Hauranne and Hippolyte Passy, had formed during summer, but it did not prevent the vote of a favorable address to the King (221 votes against 208).
Confronted to such a slight and uncertain majority, Molé presented his resignation to the king on 22 January 1839. Louis-Philippe first attempted to refuse it, and then, approaching Marshal Soult, who was not initially persuaded, offered him the lead. Soult finally accepted after the funeral of the king's daughter, the duchesse de Württemberg, on the condition of moving promptly to new elections. During the electoral campaign, the left-wing opposition denounced what they termed a constitutional coup, comparing the 1837 and 1839 dissolutions to the consecutive dissolutions of Charles X in 1830. Thiers compared Molé to Polignac, one of Charles X's ministers.
The 2 March 1839 elections were a disappointment for the king, who lost two loyal deputies, while the coalition mustered 240 members, against only 199 for the government. Molé presented his resignation to the king on 8 March, which Louis-Philippe was forced to accept.
After Molé's fall, Louis-Philippe immediately called upon Marshal Soult, who attempted, without success, to form a government including the three leaders of the coalition who had brought down Molé: Guizot, Thiers and Odilon Barrot. Confronted with the Doctrinaires' refusal, he then tried to form a center-left cabinet, which also foundered upon Thiers's intransigence concerning Spanish affairs. These successive setbacks forced the king to postpone to 4 April 1839 the opening of the parliamentary session. Thiers also refused to be associated with the duc de Broglie and Guizot. The king then attempted to keep him at bay by offering him an embassy, which provoked the outcries of Thiers's friends. Finally, Louis-Philippe resigned himself to composing, on 31 March 1839, a transitional and neutral government.
The parliamentary session opened on 4 April in a quasi-insurrectionary atmosphere. A large mob had gathered around the Palais-Bourbon, seat of the Assembly, singing La Marseillaise and rioting. The left-wing press accused the government of provocations. Thiers supported Odilon Barrot as President of the Chamber, but his attitude during the negotiations for the formation of a new cabinet had disappointed some of his friends. A part of the center-left thus decided to present Hippolyte Passy against Barrot. The latter won with 227 votes against 193, supported by the ministerial deputies and the Doctrinaires. This vote demonstrated that the coalition had imploded, and that a right-wing majority could be formed to oppose any left-wing initiative.
Despite this, the negotiations for the formation of a new cabinet still were unsuccessful, with Thiers making his friends promise to request his authorization before accepting any governmental function. The situation seemed at an impasse, when on 12 May 1839, the Société des saisons, a secret Republican society, headed by Martin Bernard, Armand Barbès and Auguste Blanqui, organized an insurrection in the Rue Saint-Denis and the Rue Saint-Martin in Paris. The League of the Just, founded in 1836, participated in this uprising.[14] However, not only was it a failure, and the conspirators arrested, but this allowed Louis-Philippe to form a new government on the same day, presided over by Marshal Soult who had assured him of his loyal support.
At the end of May, the vote on the secret funds gave a large majority to the new government, which also had the budget passed without any problems. The parliamentary recess was decreed on 6 August 1838, and the new session opened on 23 December, during which the Chamber voted a rather favorable address to the government by 212 votes to 43. Soult's cabinet, however, fell on 20 February 1839, 226 deputies having voted against proposed dowry of the Duke of Nemours (only 200 votes for), who was to marry Victoire de Saxe-Cobourg-Kohary.
Soult's fall compelled the king to call on the main left-wing figure, Adolphe Thiers. Guizot, one of the only remaining right-wing alternatives, had just been named ambassador to London and left France. Thiers's aim was to definitively establish parliamentary government, with a "king who reigns but does not rule", and a cabinet drawn from the parliamentary majority and answerable to it. Henceforth, he clearly opposed Louis-Philippe's concept of government.
Thiers formed his government on 1 March 1840. He first pretended to offer the presidency of the Council to the duc de Broglie, and then Soult, before accepting it and taking Foreign Affairs at the same time. His cabinet was composed of fairly young politicians (47 years old on average), Thiers himself being only 42.
Relations with the king were immediately difficult. Louis-Philippe embarrassed Thiers by suggesting that he nominate his friend Horace Sébastiani as Marshal, which would expose him to the same criticisms he had previously suffered over political favoritism and the abuse of governmental power. Thiers thus decided to postpone Sébastiani's advancement.
Thiers obtained an easy majority during the debate on the secret funds in March 1840 (246 votes to 160). Although he was classified as center-left, Thiers's second government was highly conservative, and dedicated to the protection of the interests of the bourgeoisie. Although he had the deputies pass the vote on government bond conversion, which was a left-wing proposal, he was sure that it would be rejected by the Peers, which is what happened. On 16 May 1840, Thiers harshly rejected universal suffrage and social reforms after a speech by the Radical François Arago, who had linked the ideas of electoral reform and social reform. Arago was attempting to unite the left-wing by tying together universal suffrage claims and Socialist claims, which had appeared in the 1840s, concerning the "right of work" (droit au travail). He believed that electoral reform to establish universal suffrage should precede the social reform, which he considered very urgent.[15]
On 15 June 1838, Thiers obtained the postponement of a proposal made by the conservative deputy Ovide de Rémilly who, equipping himself with an old demand of the Left, sought to outlaw the nomination of deputies to salaried public offices during their elective mandate. As Thiers had previously supported this proposition, he was acutely criticized by the Left.
Since the end of August 1838, social problems related to the economic crisis which started in 1839 caused strikes and riots in the textile, clothing and construction sectors. On 7 September 1839, the cabinet-makers of the faubourg Saint-Antoine started to put up barricades. Thiers responded by sending out the National Guard and invoking the laws prohibiting public meetings.
Thiers also renewed the Banque de France's privilege until 1867 on such advantageous terms that the Bank had a commemorative gold medal cast. Several laws also established steamship lines, operated by companies operating state-subsidised concessions. Other laws granted credits or guarantees to railway companies in difficulties.
While Thiers favored the conservative bourgeoisie, he also made sure to satisfy the Left's thirst for glory. On 12 May 1840, the Minister of the Interior, Charles de Rémusat, announced to the deputies that the king had decided that the remains of Napoléon would be transferred to the Invalides. With the British government's agreement, the Prince de Joinville sailed to Saint Helena on the frigate La Belle Poule to retrieve them.
This announcement immediately struck a chord with public opinion, which was swept along with patriotic fervor. Thiers saw in this act the successful completion of the rehabilitation of the Revolution and of the Empire, which he had attempted in his Histoire de la Révolution française and his Histoire du Consulat et de l'Empire, while Louis-Philippe, who was reluctant, aimed at capturing for himself a touch of the imperial glory, just as he had appropriated the legitimist monarchy's glory in the Château de Versailles. The Prince Louis-Napoléon decided to seize the opportunity to land in Boulogne-sur-Mer on 6 August 1840, with the aim of rallying the 42nd infantry regiment (42e régiment de ligne) along with some accomplices including one of Napoléon's comrades in Saint Helena, the General de Montholon. Although Montholon was in reality a double agent used by the French government to spy, in London, on Louis-Napoléon, Montholon deceived Thiers by letting him think that the operation would take place in Metz. However, Bonaparte's operation was a complete failure, and he was detained with his men in the Fort of Ham, Picardy.
Their trial took place before the Chamber of Peers from 28 September 1840 to 6 October 1840, to general indifference. The public's attention was concentrated on the trial of Marie Lafarge, before the Cour d'assises of Tulle, the defendant being accused of having poisoned her husband. Defended by the famous Legitimist lawyer Pierre-Antoine Berryer, Bonaparte was sentenced to life detention, by 152 votes (against 160 abstentions, out of a total of 312 Peers). "We do not kill insane people, all right! but we do confine them,[16] declared the Journal des débats, in this period of intense discussions concerning parricides, mental disease and reform of the penal code.[17]
The conquest of Algeria, initiated in the last days of the Bourbon Restoration, was now confronted by Abd-el-Kader's raids, punishing Marshal Valée and the duc d'Orléans's expedition to the Portes de Fer in autumn 1839, which had violated the terms of the 1837 Treaty of Tafna between General Bugeaud and Abd-el-Kader. Thiers pushed in favor of colonizing of the interior of the country, up to the edges of the desert. He convinced the king, who saw in Algeria an ideal theater for his son to cover the House of Orléans with glory, and persuaded him to send General Bugeaud as first governor general of Algeria. Bugeaud, who would lead harsh repression against the natives, was officially nominated on 29 December 1840, a few days after Thiers's fall.
Thiers supported Muhammad Ali Pasha, the Wali of Egypt, in his ambition to constitute a vast Arabian Empire from Egypt to Syria. He tried to intercede in order to have him sign an agreement with the Ottoman Empire, unbeknownst to the four other European powers (Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia). However, informed of these negotiations, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lord Palmerston, quickly negotiated a treaty between the four powers to sort out the "Eastern Question". When revealed, the London Convention of 15 July 1840 provoked an explosion of patriotic fury: France had been ousted from a zone where it traditionally exercised its influence (or attempted to), while Prussia, which had no interest in it, was associated with the treaty. Although Louis-Philippe pretended to join the general protestations, he knew that he could take advantage of the situation to get rid of Thiers.
The latter pandered to patriotic feelings by decreeing, on 29 July 1840, a partial mobilization, and by starting, on 13 September 1840, the works on the fortifications of Paris. But France remained passive when, on 2 October 1840, the Royal Navy mobilized along the Lebanese coastline. Mehemet Ali was then immediately dismissed as wali by the Ottoman Sultan Abdulmejid I.
Following long negotiations between the king and Thiers, a compromise was found on 7 October 1840: France would renounce its support for Muhammad Ali's pretensions in Syria but would declare to the European powers that Egypt should remain at all costs autonomous. Britain thereafter recognized Muhammad Ali's hereditary rule in Egypt: France had obtained a return to the situation of 1832. Despite this, the rupture between Thiers and Louis-Philippe was now definitive. On 29 October 1840, when Charles de Rémusat presented to the Council of Ministers the draft of the speech of the throne, prepared by Hippolyte Passy, Louis-Philippe found it too aggressive. After a short discussion, Thiers and his associates collectively presented their resignations to the king, who accepted them. On the following day, Louis-Philippe sent for Marshal Soult and Guizot so they could return to Paris as soon as possible.
When Louis-Philippe called to power Guizot and the Doctrinaires, representatives of the center-right, after the center-left Thiers, he surely imagined that this would be only temporary, and that he would soon be able to call back Molé. But the new cabinet formed by Guizot would remain closely knit, and finally win the king's trust, with Guizot becoming his favorite president of the Council.
On 26 October 1840, Guizot arrived to Paris from London. He took for himself the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and let Soult assume the nominal presidency. This satisfied the king and the royal family, while Guizot himself was sure of his ability to manipulate the old Marshal Soult as he wished. As the center-left had refused to remain in the government, Guizot's cabinet included only conservatives, ranging from the ministerial center to the center-right Doctrinaires.
The July Column was erected in honor of the 1830 Revolution. The Middle East Question was settled by the London Straits Convention of 1841, which permitted the first reconciliation between France and Britain. This in turn increased public favor towards the colonization of Algeria.
Both the government and the Chamber were Orléanists. They were divided into Odilon Barrot's Dynastic Left (Gauche dynastique), which demanded the extension of the franchise to the petty bourgeoisie and had as its mouthpiece Le Siècle; the center-left, headed by Adolphe Thiers, which aimed at restricting royal prerogatives and influence, and which had as its mouthpiece Le Constitutionnel; the conservatives, headed by Guizot and Count Molé, who wanted to preserve the regime and defended their ideas in Le Journal des débats and La Presse.
Guizot refused any reforms, rejecting a broader franchise. According to him, the monarchy should favor the "middle classes", defined by land ownership, a "moral" tied to money, work and savings. « Enrichissez-vous par le travail et par l'épargne et ainsi vous serez électeur ! » ("Get rich through work and savings and then you will be electors!") was his famous statement. Guizot was helped in his aims by a comfortable rate of economic growth, averaging about 3.5% a year from 1840 to 1846. The transport network was quickly enlarged. An 1842 law organized the national railway network, which grew from 600 to 1,850 km, a sure sign that the Industrial Revolution had fully reached France.
This period of Industrial Revolution was characterized by the appearance of a new social phenomenon, known as pauperism. Related to industrialization and the rural exodus, the working poor became an increasingly large segment of the population. Furthermore, the former network of workings men's associations of the Ancien Régime had disappeared. Workers had a 14-hour working day, daily wages of 20 centimes, and no possibility of organizing themselves in trade unions. 250,000 beggars were registered, and 3 million citizens registered with charity offices. State assistance was nonexistent. The only social law of the July Monarchy was to outlaw, in 1841, labor of children under eight years of age, and night labor for those of less than 13 years. The law, however, was almost never implemented.
Christians imagined a "charitable economy", while the ideas of Socialism, in particular Utopian Socialism (Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier, etc.) continued to spread. Blanqui theorized about Socialist coups d'état, while the socialist and anarchist thinker Proudhon theorized about mutualism. On the other hand, Liberals, inspired by Adam Smith, imagined a laissez-faire solution and the end of tariffs, which the United Kingdom, the dominant European power, had started in 1846 with the repeal of the Corn Laws.
The 1846 harvest was poor, in France as elsewhere (especially Ireland, but also Galicia and Bohemia). A rise in the price of wheat, the dietary staple of the common people, provoked a food shortage, while purchasing power decreased. The resulting fall in domestic consumption led to a crisis of industrial overproduction. This in turn immediately led to massive lay-offs, and thus to a large withdrawal of savings, leading to a banking crisis. Bankruptcies multiplied, and stock prices on the stock exchanges collapsed. The government reacted by importing Russian wheat, which created a negative balance of trade. The program of public works therefore stopped, including attempts to improve France's coastal defenses.
Robert Peel's government in Britain collapsed in 1846 after disputes over the Corn Laws, bringing the Whigs back into government led by Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston. The appointment of Lord Palmerston was regarded as a threat to France. Guizot's effort to bring about rapprochement with Britain in the early 1840s was virtually undone by the Affair of the Spanish Marriages, which broke out that year after Palmerston attempted to wed the Spanish queen to a member of the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha rather than to a member of the House of Orléans, as Guizot and his British counterparts had agreed to earlier in the 1840s.
Henceforth, there was an increase in workers' demonstrations, with riots in the Buzançais in 1847. In Roubaix, a city in the industrial north, 60% of the workers were unemployed. At the same time, the regime was marred by several political scandals (Teste–Cubières corruption scandal, revealed in May 1847, or Charles de Choiseul-Praslin's suicide after having murdered his wife, daughter of Horace Sébastiani).
Since the right of association was strictly restricted, and public meetings prohibited after 1835, the Opposition was paralyzed. In order to sidestep this law, political dissidents used civil funerals of their comrades as occasions of public demonstrations. Family celebrations and banquets also served as pretexts for gatherings. At the end of the regime, the campagne des banquets took place in all of the big cities of France. Louis-Philippe firmly reacted to this threat, and prohibited the final banquet, which was to be held on 14 January 1848. Postponed to 22 February, this banquet would provoke the February 1848 Revolution.
After some unrest, the king replaced Guizot by Thiers who advocated repression. Greeted with hostility by the troops in the Place du Carrousel, in front of the Tuileries Palace, the king finally decided to abdicate in favor of his grandson, Philippe d'Orléans, entrusting the regency to his daughter-in-law, Hélène de Mecklembourg-Schwerin. His gesture was in vain as the Second Republic was proclaimed on 26 February 1848, on the Place de la Bastille, before the July Column.
Louis-Philippe, who claimed to be the "Citizen King" linked to the country by a popular sovereignty contract on which he founded his legitimacy, did not see that the French people were advocating an enlargement of the electorate, either by a decrease of the electoral tax threshold, or by the establishment of universal suffrage [citation needed].
Although the end of the July Monarchy brought France to the brink of civil war, the period was also characterized by an effervescence of artistic and intellectual creation.
