Según el artículo 168 de la Constitución de la India , la Asamblea Legislativa de Bengala Occidental es la única cámara de la legislatura unicameral de Bengala Occidental , no un órgano permanente y está sujeta a disolución . [6] El mandato de la asamblea dura cinco años a menos que se disuelva antes. Los miembros de la Asamblea Legislativa son elegidos directamente por el pueblo, y el mandato de la Decimosexta Asamblea Legislativa de Bengala Occidental estaba previsto que finalizara el 30 de mayo de 2021. [7]
Con Narendra Modi convirtiéndose en el único primer ministro no perteneciente al Congreso que ha permanecido en el poder durante dos mandatos consecutivos (que suman diez años) sin depender del apoyo de la Alianza Democrática Nacional , y el BJP cumpliendo el deseo de su fundador Shyamaprasad Mukherjee [c] al revocar el estatus especial de Jammu y Cachemira [17] y la promesa de larga data de resolver la disputa de Ayodhya a favor de los hindúes , el partido consideró la formación de un gobierno estatal dirigido por el BJP en Bengala Occidental (un estado que históricamente nunca ha votado por partidos de derecha en gran número) por primera vez como un medio de rendir homenaje a Mukherjee, que provenía de allí. Una victoria del BJP en Bengala Occidental también habría desmoralizado los intentos de Mamata Banerjee de crear una alianza de partidos regionales no pertenecientes al BJP y no pertenecientes al Congreso que pudiera desempeñar un papel importante en las próximas elecciones generales. [18] [19]
El BJP aumentó sus escaños en la asamblea de 3 a 53 cuando la Asamblea Legislativa de Bengala Occidental se disolvió a través de deserciones de los líderes del TMC, INC y del Frente de Izquierda, y elecciones parciales de 2016 a 2021. Un desertor destacado en diciembre de 2020 fue Suvendu Adhikari , [20] quien fue socio de Mamata Banerjee durante mucho tiempo y un ministro del gabinete estatal que estaba insatisfecho con la creciente influencia de su sobrino Abhishek Banerjee en el partido. Sin embargo, Adhikari reveló que estaba en contacto con el BJP desde 2014 después de unirse al partido. [21] Su padre Sisir Adhikari , el diputado de Kanthi , también desertó del TMC al BJP. [22] Otro ministro del gabinete, Rajib Banerjee , también se unió al BJP. [23]
La pandemia se convirtió en un tema electoral. [29] [30] Se acusó al gobierno de "falsear" el recuento de casos positivos y muertes en la región, [31] y el gobierno estatal liderado por la AITC y el gobierno sindical liderado por el BJP se culparon mutuamente por el aumento de las infecciones por COVID-19 durante el curso de la campaña. [32]
El BJP acusó a Mamata Banerjee de no asistir a las reuniones de gestión de emergencia de COVID-19 celebradas durante los meses de campaña electoral, a pesar de la segunda ola de infecciones, [33] y de celebrar también mítines electorales. Sanjukta Morcha celebró el primer mitin de la Brigada antes de las elecciones en Bengala Occidental. [34] A mediados de abril, TMC solicitó la celebración de las fases restantes de las elecciones en una sola fase en medio del creciente número de casos de COVID, [35] pero fue rechazada por la Comisión Electoral de la India (ECI). [36]
Ciclón Amphan
Situación del parque Deshbandhu en Calcuta después del ciclón Amphan.
En mayo de 2020, un año antes de las elecciones de 2021, el ciclón Amphan azotó el estado. [37] [29] Después de su paso, se denunciaron acusaciones generalizadas de mala gestión [38] y estafa de ayuda. [39] [40] En algunos distritos estallaron protestas por las acusaciones, [41] [42] y la oposición lo convirtió en un tema electoral antes de las elecciones a la Asamblea. [43] [44]
Cuestiones de ciudadanía, inmigración y refugiados
La polarización entre las distintas comunidades religiosas, lingüísticas y de castas también es probable que desempeñe un papel en estas elecciones. [48] Tanto el TMC como el BJP habían prometido planes para varias comunidades. [49] [50] Aunque anteriormente los gobiernos de izquierda los habían movilizado contra las élites bajo la narrativa de la "clase", los dalits de Bengala Occidental comenzaron a afirmar su identidad políticamente. [51] [52] [53] La polarización religiosa es particularmente intensa en los distritos que limitan con Bangladesh, como North 24 Parganas. Las discusiones sobre quiénes son nativos del estado y los distritos electorales también es probable que afecten las elecciones. [54] [55] [56] La insatisfacción y la deserción de muchos líderes del TMC al BJP, supuestamente debido a la creciente influencia de Abhishek Banerjee y Kishor en la administración del partido también es probable que afecten las elecciones. [57]
El Ministerio de Asuntos Culturales organizó un evento en el Victoria Memorial de Calcuta para conmemorar el 125 aniversario del nacimiento de Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose , al que asistieron el Primer Ministro Narendra Modi y la Ministra Principal Mamata Banerjee, entre otros. Una gran cantidad de activistas del BJP estaban presentes entre la multitud. [58] [59] Justo cuando Banerjee se levantó para hablar, los partidarios del BJP comenzaron a corear " Jai Shri Ram ", lo que llevó a la Ministra Principal a abandonar su discurso. [60] Este incidente condujo a una pelea política entre el BJP y el TMC antes de las próximas elecciones. Mientras tanto, el presidente del BJP de Bengala, Dilip Ghosh, hizo comentarios controvertidos sobre Netaji. [61] Mamata afirmó que el BJP había "insultado a Netaji y Bengala " con sus acciones. [62] [63] El liderazgo del BJP criticó a Banerjee mientras que el Frente de Izquierda y el Congreso la respaldaron y condenaron al BJP por el incidente del Victoria Memorial. [64] [65] [66] No sólo personalidades políticas sino también personas no políticas de diferentes niveles de la sociedad, incluido el sobrino nieto de Netaji, Sugata Bose , condenaron el incidente de corear consignas político-religiosas por parte de partidarios del BJP, lo cual era poco probable para un evento apolítico dedicado a Netaji. [67] [68] [69]
Cronograma
El Comisionado Electoral Jefe, Sunil Arora, celebra una conferencia de prensa para anunciar el calendario de elecciones a la Asamblea Legislativa de Bengala Occidental junto con Assam , Kerala , Tamil Nadu y Puducherry , en Nueva Delhi el 26 de febrero de 2021. También se ven a los comisionados electorales, Sushil Chandra y Rajiv Kumar y los altos funcionarios de ECI.
El calendario electoral se anunció el 26 de febrero de 2021, y la elección se celebró en ocho fases desde el 27 de marzo de 2021 hasta el 29 de abril de 2021. Los votos se contaron el 2 de mayo de 2021. [70] [71] El día del anuncio, la ECI declaró que los votantes discapacitados físicos y ancianos obtendrían el beneficio del voto por correo y el límite de tiempo para votar se extendió por una hora. [72] [73] Debido a anomalías en la votación, la nueva votación para la cabina número 88 en Jangipara se celebró en la cuarta fase. [74] Las elecciones en Jangipur y Samserganj se aplazaron debido a la muerte del candidato del INC en Samserganj y del candidato del Partido Socialista Revolucionario (RSP) en Jangipur. [75] La votación para estos dos escaños se reprogramó originalmente para el 13 de mayo de 2021, [76] pero como ese día era Eid, se retrasó al 16 de mayo. [77] Más tarde, la ECI aplazó las elecciones en ambos distritos electorales y se celebraron el 30 de septiembre. [78] La nueva votación en el centro de votación Amtali Madhyamik Siksha Kendra en Sitalkuchi se llevó a cabo el 29 de abril, después de que el personal de la CISF fuera despedido el 10 de abril. [79]
Partidos y alianzas
Congreso Trinamool de toda la India +
Mapa de los acuerdos de reparto de escaños del Congreso All India Trinamool para las elecciones a la Asamblea Legislativa de Bengala Occidental de 2021.
Ambas facciones del Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) expresaron su apoyo al TMC en las elecciones a la asamblea. [82] El TMC asignó tres escaños en Darjeeling al GJM, pero sus dos facciones, a saber, Bimal y Binoy, declararon que presentarían a sus candidatos en cada uno de los tres escaños. [83] El RJD , el Shiv Sena y el JMM también apoyaron a Trinamool para las elecciones. [84] [85] [86] El TMC apoyó al candidato independiente en Joypur después de que se cancelara la nominación de su candidato. [87] [88]
Sanjukta Morcha
El 28 de enero de 2021, el líder del Congreso, Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, anunció que las conversaciones para compartir escaños entre el Congreso y el Frente de Izquierda habían concluido para 193 escaños y que los 101 escaños restantes se decidirían en un momento posterior. [ 89] [90] De los 193 escaños acordados para el 28 de enero, 92 fueron para el Congreso y 101 para el Frente de Izquierda. [89] El Frente de Izquierda y el Congreso anunciaron en un mitin en el campo de desfiles de la Brigada el 28 de febrero de 2021 que formarían una alianza llamada Sanyukta Morcha con un grupo recién formado llamado ISF . [91] La ISF afirmó inicialmente que había conseguido 30 escaños de la cuota del Frente de Izquierda. [92] Después de que se concluyó el acuerdo final para compartir escaños, se anunció que el Frente de Izquierda competiría por 165 escaños, el Congreso por 92 escaños y la ISF por 37 escaños. [93] [94]
El presidente del Frente de Izquierda, Biman Bose, anunció los candidatos para la primera y segunda fase de las elecciones el 5 de marzo junto con los líderes del INC y la ISF, dejándoles escaños en la lista. [95] El INC reveló su primera lista de 13 candidatos para las dos primeras fases el 6 de marzo. [96] El Frente de Izquierda anunció su segunda lista de candidatos el 10 de marzo, compuesta por varias caras nuevas y jóvenes de la Federación de Estudiantes de toda la India (AISF), la Federación de Jóvenes de toda la India (AIYF) , la Federación de Estudiantes de la India (SFI) y la Federación de Jóvenes Demócratas de la India (DYFI), junto con ex ministros del gobierno del Frente de Izquierda y ex diputados; [97] Bose también nominó al presidente del estado de Bengala Occidental de DYFI, Minakshi Mukherjee , como candidato del CPI(M) para el escaño de Nandigram , que se mantuvo vacante en la primera lista publicada el 5 de marzo. [98] El 14 de marzo, el INC reveló su segunda lista de 34 candidatos el 14 de marzo, [99] y la ISF su primer conjunto de 20 candidatos. [100] Sanyukta Morcha anunció 15 candidatos más el 17 de marzo, de los cuales 9 provenían del Frente de Izquierda, 2 del INC y 4 del ISF. [101] El INC reveló su tercera lista de 39 candidatos el 20 de marzo, [102] y dos más el 22 de marzo.
Mapa del acuerdo de reparto de escaños entre los partidos de Sanjukta Morcha para las elecciones a la Asamblea Legislativa de Bengala Occidental de 2021.
Alianza Democrática Nacional
Cinco partidos con base en las colinas prometieron su apoyo al BJP antes de las elecciones a la asamblea: el Frente de Liberación Nacional de Gorkha (GNLF), el Partido Comunista de Marxistas Revolucionarios , la Liga Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha (ABGL), Gorkhaland Rajya Nirman Morcha y SUMETI Mukti Morcha. [82] Hindu Samhati , una organización de derecha de Bengala Occidental, había retirado su apoyo al BJP en un principio [106] para presentarse a las elecciones por su cuenta, [107] pero finalmente apoyó al BJP. [108] El BJP asignó el escaño del distrito electoral de Amta al presidente de Hindu Samhati para que se presentara bajo el símbolo del BJP. [109]
Mapa de los acuerdos de reparto de escaños del Partido Bharatiya Janata para las elecciones a la Asamblea Legislativa de Bengala Occidental de 2021.
Shiv Sena dijo inicialmente que competirían por alrededor de 100 escaños, [112] pero luego, el 4 de marzo de 2021, anunció que no competirían y apoyarían a Mamata Banerjee y TMC. [113]
Candidatos
Encuestas y sondeos
Encuesta de salida
El 27 de marzo, la ECI prohibió la publicación de encuestas y sondeos a boca de urna hasta las 19:30 horas del 29 de abril para evitar influir en los votantes, [126] [127] pero la prohibición terminó media hora antes. [128]
La encuesta de salida de la revista digital NK predijo la victoria de TMC en las elecciones generales para el escaño de Samserganj y en las elecciones parciales para el escaño de Bhabanipur. [158] [159] [160] Ekhon Biswa Bangla Sangbad predijo la victoria de TMC en los tres escaños donde se celebraron elecciones el 30 de septiembre. [161]
Encuesta de opinión
En el transcurso de un año, hasta el 27 de marzo, diferentes agencias y grupos publicaron una serie de encuestas previas a las elecciones. La mayoría de las encuestas se contradecían entre sí en cuanto al posible resultado. [162]
La encuesta de opinión de la revista digital NK predijo la victoria de TMC en Jangipur y Samserganj. [182] [183] [184] También realizaron una encuesta previa a las elecciones en los distritos electorales de la Asamblea que predijeron la victoria de TMC. [185] [186]
Elección
Pautas para la COVID-19
La ECI emitió varias directrices sanitarias para la realización de las elecciones, incluido el uso de mascarillas, la desinfección de las mesas de votación, el uso de escáneres térmicos antes de entrar en las mesas de votación, el mantenimiento del distanciamiento social, etc. [187] El número máximo de votantes por mesa de votación se redujo de 1500 a 1000. [188]
Un voluntario realiza un control térmico a los votantes en una cabina de votación durante la tercera fase de las elecciones a la Asamblea de Bengala Occidental, en Uluberia , Bengala Occidental, el 6 de abril de 2021.
Después de que los casos de COVID-19 aumentaran en el estado, [189] la ECI emitió advertencias para que todos los partidos políticos estatales y nacionales reconocidos siguieran estrictamente las pautas de COVID-19, [190] y prohibió todos los mítines políticos, reuniones públicas, obras de teatro callejeras y nukkad sabhas desde las 7 pm hasta las 10 am a partir del 16 de abril. [191] El 22 de abril de 2021, antes de la séptima y octava fase de votación, la ECI prohibió los espectáculos itinerantes y agregó que se permitía un máximo de 500 personas en las reuniones públicas. [192] El 27 de abril, emitieron una notificación sobre la prohibición de las procesiones de la victoria el día en que se contaron los votos y después. [193]
Funcionarios electorales llevan las máquinas de votación electrónica y otros dispositivos necesarios para las elecciones a la Asamblea de Bengala Occidental en un centro de distribución en Uluberia , Bengala Occidental, el 5 de abril de 2021.Marcas de tinta electorales para votantes primerizos después de emitir su voto en una cabina de votación durante la cuarta fase de las elecciones a la Asamblea de Bengala Occidental en la Escuela Primaria Nehru Colony, Regent Park , Calcuta , Bengala Occidental, el 10 de abril de 2021.Los votantes hacen cola para emitir su voto en una cabina de votación durante la tercera fase de las elecciones a la Asamblea de Bengala Occidental, en Uluberia , Bengala Occidental, el 6 de abril de 2021.
De camino a la manifestación de la Brigada de Sanjukta Morcha, los trabajadores de la ISF atacaron a activistas del TMC en Bhangar. [215]
El 10 de marzo, Mamata Banerjee presentó su candidatura en la sede de la oficina de la subdivisión de Haldia como candidata del TMC por Nandigram . Alrededor de las 6:15 p. m. resultó herida cuando salía de la zona del mercado de Birulia de esa circunscripción. Afirmó que fue empujada por "cuatro o cinco personas" que la maltrataron y le cerraron la puerta de su automóvil en el pie. La llevaron al Hospital SSKM en Calcuta para recibir tratamiento. [216] El diputado del BJP Subramanian Swamy hizo una llamada directa a su oficina y preguntó por su salud antes de hacer una declaración deseándole buena salud. [217] Un día después de resultar herida, Mamata Banerjee publicó un mensaje de video instando a las personas y a los trabajadores del partido a mantener la calma y ejercer moderación. [218] [219] Dos días después de ser ingresada, fue dada de alta a pedido múltiple del TMC. [220] Afirmó que el ataque fue orquestado por Adhikari, quien negó la afirmación. EspañolEl testigo ocular Nitai Maity, un comerciante de dulces, dijo que "la multitud ya estaba allí. Pero tan pronto como llegó el coche, fue como si la zona se inundara de gente. Hubo algunos empujones. Mientras tanto, Mamata Banerjee acababa de abrir la puerta delantera del coche y acababa de salir. De repente, hubo un empujón desde fuera y la puerta se cerró. Mamata Banerjee cayó de repente al suelo con una grave lesión en la pierna". [221] El inspector general adjunto de Medinipur Kunal Agarwal, el magistrado de distrito Bivu Goel y el superintendente de policía Praveen Prakash fueron a Birulia Bazar, Nandigram, el jueves por la mañana para recoger las declaraciones de los testigos oculares antes de enviar su informe a la ECI, cuyo informe sobre el incidente descartó oficialmente cualquier posibilidad de juego sucio y suspendió a dos agentes de policía por estar ausentes del convoy de policías de la ministra principal destinado a garantizar su seguridad. Los trabajadores del TMC y del BJP se enfrentaron frente al DM y el SP. Mamata Banerjee siguió haciendo campaña y el BJP la acusó de intentar ganarse la simpatía de los votantes haciendo alarde de su pierna herida en un intento de "jugar la carta de víctima". Algunos autoproclamados testigos oculares afirmaron que la puerta del coche chocó contra una viga de hierro incrustada en la carretera, pero Firhad Hakim afirmó que no tenía ningún rasguño. [222] [223] Los dirigentes del TMC afirmaron que la mayoría de los que estaban prestando declaraciones como testigos oculares eran miembros del personal del BJP . [224] [225]y preguntó: "Si realmente son 'testigos oculares', ¿por qué se acercaron al convoy de la ministra principal entre la multitud (a pesar de ser trabajadores del BJP)?" Paritosh Jana, presidente del TMC de la región de Birulia, dijo: "El BJP había colocado a algunas personas borrachas entre la multitud. Atacaron a la ministra principal fingiendo verla. Empujaron a la Suprema cuando abrió la puerta del coche y estaba a punto de salir. La ministra principal no nombró a ningún partido político. Sólo había hablado de malhechores. Pero el BJP se opone de antemano. (Están) dando consignas contra la ministra principal. Creemos firmemente que es obra del BJP. Es como 'la voz fuerte de la madre de un ladrón' ( versión bengalí del proverbio 'los sinvergüenzas suplantan a la justicia')". [226]
El 15 de marzo, Mamata Banerjee afirmó en un mitin político en Balarampur que matones estaban entrando por la frontera de la zona de Ajodhya Hills . Acusó al BJP de planear saquear votos enviando matones desde el exterior en trenes en vísperas de las elecciones con el fin de intimidar a los votantes. [227] El 23 de marzo, repitió estas afirmaciones y exigió que se cerraran las zonas fronterizas. [228] El 26 de febrero, Kolkata TV informó sobre trabajadores del BJP que entraban en Bengala Occidental desde el Cinturón Hindi . A cada uno de ellos se le dieron 300 rupias por día. [229] El 29 de abril, algunos malhechores con armas de fuego fueron captados por las cámaras de Kolkata TV en Birbhum . Dijeron ser forasteros y dijeron que los habían contratado para hacer esto por 10.000 rupias. [230 ]
En Baruipur, un activista del TMC murió en un enfrentamiento con miembros del CPI(M) y las ISF. [231] [232] [233]
Antes de la primera fase electoral, un vehículo electoral fue incendiado por dos hombres desconocidos. [234]
El 25 de marzo, el presidente del BJP estatal, Dilip Ghosh, hizo comentarios despectivos contra Mamata Banerjee en un mitin político en Purulia, por el que había recibido una notificación de la ECI. Planteó preguntas sobre su carácter debido a su condición de soltera y afirmó que si quiere hacer alarde de su pierna herida ante el público para obtener dividendos políticos, entonces debería usar bermudas (eufemismo para ropa interior en inglés indio ) en lugar de un sari . [235]
El 27 de marzo, día de la primera fase de las elecciones, los partidarios del TMC protestaron frente a la cabina 172 de Majna, en el distrito de South Contai , alegando un mal funcionamiento de la máquina de votación electrónica. Afirmaron que al emitir un voto para el TMC se exhibió el símbolo del loto del BJP. Acusaciones similares surgieron desde la cabina más cercana. [236] [237] [238]
Se informó que dos miembros del personal de seguridad resultaron heridos en la aldea de Satsatmal, distrito de Purba Medinipur , en un incidente con disparos y bombas durante la primera fase de las elecciones. [239]
El cadáver de un trabajador del BJP fue encontrado en Paschim Medinipur durante la primera fase electoral. [240] La ECI dijo que no encontraron ningún motivo político en su muerte. [241]
Tres activistas del TMC resultaron heridos en una explosión en Bankura durante la primera fase de las elecciones. [242]
Tres trabajadores de TMC fueron atacados en Boyal, Nandigram. Uno de ellos, Rabin Manna, fue ingresado en el Hospital SSKM con heridas graves y murió el 9 de abril alrededor de las 4:30 am en el Hospital SSKM. [243] El 31 de marzo, Mamata Banerjee dijo que su coche fue atacado nuevamente en Nandigram hace un día cuando visitó la casa de Manna. [244] [245] [246] [247] [248] Más tarde afirmó que la esposa de Manna le informó que los matones respaldados por el BJP estaban amenazando con secuestrar a su hija y que tuvieron que refugiarse con una familia de una minoría local. [249]
En Dantan se informó de que el CPRF impidió que la gente votara. Se presentó una denuncia en una comisaría local en la que se afirmaba que el CPRF estaba permitiendo que los trabajadores del BJP permanecieran en la cabina electoral y emitieran votos en su nombre. [250]
Durante una visita oficial a Bangladesh, Modi visitó el lugar de nacimiento de Harichand Thakur en Orakandi, en el distrito de Gopalganj, en un intento de cortejar a la influyente comunidad electoral de Matua en el estado. Mamata Banerjee afirmó que su viaje a Orakandi es una violación del código electoral. [251] [252]
Durante la presentación de la nominación del candidato del BJP en Bijpur , se escucharon disparos y luego estallaron enfrentamientos entre el personal del BJP y el TMC. [254]
El 30 de marzo, Ashok Dinda , candidato del BJP por Moyna , Purba Medinipur , fue atacado y su vehículo destrozado durante una campaña. Según él, cientos de personas con porras y bastones lanzaron piedras contra su vehículo. Dinda resultó herido en el hombro. [255]
Durante la tercera fase de la votación (6 de abril), Sujata Mondal, candidata del TMC en Arambag , fue atacada por algunos matones en el stand 263 de Arandi-I. [257] [258] [259]
El TMC acusó al BJP de distribuir cupones en efectivo entre la gente para atraerlos a asistir al mitin de Modi. [261] [262]
En la cuarta fase de las elecciones, hubo dos importantes casos de violencia, ambos en el distrito electoral de Sitalkuchi del distrito de Cooch Behar . En Pathantuli, un votante primerizo, Ananda Barman, fue asesinado a tiros por agresores desconocidos después de emitir su voto. Tanto el BJP como el TMC afirmaron que era uno de sus trabajadores, pero los miembros de la familia dijeron que pertenecía al BJP. [263] En Sitalkuchi, el personal de la CISF que custodiaba un centro de votación en Jorepatki disparó y mató a cuatro aldeanos musulmanes, que según afirmaron formaban parte de una turba que los atacaba. Afirmaron que la turba los atacó por los rumores de que las fuerzas de seguridad habían golpeado a un niño local y dispararon en defensa propia. Las familias de los fallecidos afirmaron que el tiroteo fue deliberado y que estaban en una cola para votar. [264] [265] El personal de los medios de comunicación encontró imágenes de vídeo de fuentes locales, [266] pero el observador especial de la policía Vivek Dubey las calificó de falsas sin citar ninguna razón adecuada. [267]
El 8 de abril, la ECI emitió una advertencia a Adhikari por connotaciones comunitarias en su discurso del 29 de marzo en Nandigram , donde se refirió despectivamente a Mamata Banerjee (que no está casada) como begum ("una mujer musulmana casada", indicando así que no tenía carácter). [268] [269] [270] En su respuesta a la notificación de la ECI, Adhikari afirmó que nunca hizo ningún ataque personal ni comentarios despectivos contra ningún líder político, pero el 13 de abril, la ECI le emitió otra advertencia por hacer declaraciones despectivas en su discurso. [271]
El 12 de abril, la ECI impuso una prohibición de campaña de 24 horas a Mamata Banerjee (vigente a partir de las 8 pm) por llamar a las votantes mujeres a gherao (o rodear) a las fuerzas de la CRPF, CAPF y CISF en servicio electoral si "creaban cualquier obstrucción en su derecho a votar" desde un mitin político en el distrito de Cooch Behar . [272] Al día siguiente, el TMC Supremo organizó una manifestación solitaria junto a la estatua de Mahatma Gandhi en el cruce de Mayo Road en Calcuta para protestar contra la decisión de la ECI. [273] [274] El mismo día, la ECI dejó ir a Adhikari con solo una advertencia después de que comentara que votar a favor de Mamata Banerjee convertiría a Bengala Occidental en un "mini- Pakistán ", lo que llevó al TMC a alegar que la ECI estaba operando de manera sesgada para beneficiar al BJP. [275] [276]
El 13 de abril, la ECI impuso una prohibición de campaña de 48 horas al ex presidente estatal del BJP, Rahul Sinha, por respaldar el asesinato de musulmanes en el incidente del tiroteo de Sitalkuchi y pedir que se matara a más musulmanes en todo el estado de manera similar. [277]
La noche anterior a la quinta fase, se difundió en Internet una fotografía del candidato del BJP para Ranaghat almorzando con fuerzas centrales. [278] [279]
En la quinta fase de la votación, en la localidad de Shantinagar de Bidhannagar , se lanzaron ladrillos y piedras entre los trabajadores de las mesas electorales del TMC y del BJP, dejando ocho personas heridas. [280] [281]
El candidato del BJP, Gopal Chandra Saha, recibió un disparo mientras hacía campaña en Maldaha y fue ingresado en un hospital. [282]
En Jalpaiguri, después de terminar las elecciones, se encontraron cuatro agentes del BJP con personal de la fuerza central que llevaban máquinas de votación electrónica. [283]
El 24 de abril, Mamata Banerjee reveló detalles de la conversación de WhatsApp de un observador electoral empleado por la ECI con los líderes del BJP, y dijo: "La Comisión está dando instrucciones para arrestar a nuestros líderes del partido antes del [día de] las elecciones. Tengo conversaciones de WhatsApp de todo. Los observadores han hablado entre ellos [sobre esto]". Aconsejó a Anubrata Mandal, presidente del distrito de Birbhum del TMC , que acuda a los tribunales si la comisión lo mantiene bajo vigilancia injustificadamente. [284] [285] La ECI puso a Mondal bajo "estricta vigilancia" durante 62 horas desde las 5 pm del 27 de abril hasta las 7 am del 30 de abril. [286 ]
El 29 de abril, durante la octava fase de la votación, se lanzaron bombas rudimentarias cerca de Mahajati Sadan, en el norte de Calcuta. [287]
Resultados
Los resultados electorales de 292 distritos electorales se anunciaron el 2 de mayo de 2021 después de que el recuento de votos comenzara a las 8:00 am (UTC+5:30), mientras que los resultados de 2 distritos electorales se retrasaron hasta el 3 de octubre. [288] [289] [290] [291] [292]
No Vote To BJP was a non-partisan, Anti-BJP political campaign in West Bengal. The campaign motto was We requested to all peoples of the West Bengal, vote for anyone in the election, but not vote for the BJP on the 2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election..[309][310][311][312][313]
Nandigram controversy
On 18 January Mamata Banerjee announced at a rally in Nandigram that she would contest the upcoming assembly elections from Nandigram. Hours later, Suvendu Adhikari said he would defeat the CM by a margin of at least 50,000 votes or quit politics.[314][315]
On the eve of polling in Nandigram, the ECI ordered the transfer of the sub-divisional police officer of Haldia and the circle inspector of Mahishadal in Purba Medinipur district to non-election assignments[316] and imposed Section 144 in that constituency.[317] A day after the polling, stray clashes took place between workers of the TMC and the BJP in some parts of Nandigram.[318]
The votes were counted on 2 May. All eyes were set on the updates of high-voltage Nandigram constituency. 17 rounds of counting was to be done before declaring the winner. Mamata Banerjee was trailing in initial rounds. The EC informed that announcement of results for Nandigram would be delayed because of problem in server.[319] In the 16th round, when the counting of votes in Gokulnagar panchayat area started, Mamata fell behind.[320] After the 16th round, the counting of 17th round was delayed by an hour. Postal ballots were being counted at that time. At the end of the seventeenth round, it was announced that Mamata Banerjee had won by a margin of 1,200 (or 3,717) votes. Though later, it was declared that Suvendu had defeated (his) former party leader by approximately 1,956 votes.[304][1][305][306] Mamata banerjee continued to claim that she won Nandigram, Security was beefed up in the vicinity of the Haldia counting centre amid fears of unrest.
Mamata Banerjee alleged that the returning officer of Nandigram constituency was threatened and the two observers sitting inside the counting centre were very biased.[321][322][323]
The ECI wrote a letter to the West Bengal chief secretary and directed them to take all appropriate measures to keep a strict watch and regularly monitor the security provided to the returning officer in Nandigram.
Since Adhikari was declared winner, TMC workers protested outside the counting centre. Central Forces protected Adhikari's car while before it left the area. TMC workers alleged that the counting was stopped for three hours, the result was overturned after a power outage, and their agent was assaulted and thrown out from the counting centre by central forces.[324]
On 14 July, the High Court issued a notice to Adhikari, the ECI, the state electoral officer, and the returning officer with a direction to keep all election-related records intact until the case was heard on 12 August.[325][326] Adhikari went to the Supreme Court seeking transfer of Banerjee's election petition case outside the state.[327]
On 12 August, Adhikari's lawyers submitted before the court of Justice Sarkar that the legislator has approached the Supreme Court seeking transfer of the case from West Bengal. In keeping with the respondent's prayer, Justice Sarkar adjourned the hearing to 15 November.[328][329] On that date, Adhikari filed a petition in the Calcutta High Court seeking adjournment of the case. The High Court asked him to file a written statement explaining the reason for his no-confidence in the High Court by 29 November and it was decided that the next hearing would be held on 1 December.[330][331]
Reactions and analysis
For the first time since the creation of the state through division of Bengal Presidency, the state legislative assembly does not have any members from the INC or Left Front, who dominated and shaped the politics of the state until 1998 when the TMC was founded and overtook the INC as the main opposition party in the state.
Opinion polls and exit polls predicted a tight race between the TMC and BJP, and that TMC would win around 150 seats, BJP 140, with the remaining for Morcha. TMC won over 200 seats, while BJP overall performed poorly.[332] Although it was the best ever performance of the state BJP in terms of both seats (before 2016, it never had more than 1 seat in the state Legislative assembly) & voteshare (at the height of the Ram mandir agitation, BJP managed to win 11.34% of votes in the 1991 election), it wasn't as phenomenal as it was in 2019.
BJP's vote share fell from 40% in the 2019 elections to 38%. Reasons given were:
By fielding candidates who switched from TMC to BJP after the results of the 2019 general elections or months before the elections began, the party leadership angered the party cadres at grassroots level who have been associated with the party since the 2014 general elections and have been actively demanding that the party remove those same people from power,[333] resulting in the defeat of 142 TMC turncoats who had been fielded by BJP as candidates in this election.[334] The defeat of sitting TMC MLA Rabindranath Bhattacharjee, who had joined BJP on 8 March was significant because he lost in Singur, where people had started considering the 2006 anti-land acquisition movement led by Mamata Banerjee to be a historic blunder[335] due to a lack of jobs in the region and had voted for BJP in the 2019 elections in the hopes of industrialisation.[336][337][338] Similarly Rajib Banerjee, who won the Domjur seat by receiving more than 100,000 votes in the previous assembly election, lost by a margin of more than 42,000 votes because he was unable to consolidate the support of the local cadres from either TMC or BJP towards himself.[339]
Derogatory comments made towards Mamata Banerjee by BJP leaders, notably Modi taunting her by calling her out as Didi, O Didi from political rallies in Howrah and Barasat, Adhikari referring to her as Begum and Ghosh calling her out as haramjada ('harem-born child' in Bangla[k])[340] & his derogatory comments on Mamata Banerjee's injury,[341] eight months after a Dalit woman was gangraped and strangled to death by four upper-caste men in Uttar Pradesh and BJP leaders there openly supported of the perpetrators were not viewed positively by Bengali women, who saw the BJP leaders trying to import the culture of misogyny & toxic masculinity generally associated with the Hindi belt.[342] A large number of Bengali women (constituting 49% of the electorate) did not vote for BJP in spite of electoral promises like making education of females in the state free of cost from kindergarten to post-graduate level.[343]
Attempts made by BJP leaders to convert the tribal population into Hinduism[l] were widely unpopular, especially in the tribal-dominated Medinipur division[344] As a result, tribal votes were divided between BJP and TMC as TMC regained back the support of tribal communities in the Jhargram, Paschim Medinipur and Malda districts while BJP continued to retain its tribal votes in Purulia, Bankura, Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar.
An increase in petrol, diesel and LPG prices along with spike in cases related to the COVID-19 pandemic during the elections and BJP's response to it, most notably state BJP president Dilip Ghosh advocating consumption of cow urine (considered sacred to Hindu society due to sacredness of the cow in Hinduism) over vaccination,[345] advocating extraction of gold allegedly found in the milk of zebu cattle native to the region as a means to overcome econmic recession caused by the pandemic[346] & promoting anti-intellectualism by labelling those intellectuals who criticised his promotion of pseudo-science as 'Hinduphobhic', 'alcohol-addicts' & 'dog meat eaters' (a racial slur used in India by Hindus against the Han Chinese & non-Hindu hill tribes of Northeast India) made the party unpopular to the Bengali middle-class.[347]
Although the Matua community continued to vote in favour of BJP, they did not vote in unison as they did in the 2019 elections. Fears centering around the National Register of Citizens,[352] frustration due to delay in implementation of the CAA, and Mamata Banerjee's attempts to regain back the support of the Matua community by allotting money for community-specific development of Namasudras[353] and declaring the birthday of Harichand Thakur, founder of the Matua movement, as a state government holiday led to the division of Matua votes between the BJP and TMC to some extent,[354] which affected the party in Nadia and North 24 Parganas districts as BJP won 28 Matua-dominated seats and TMC retained 21 Matua-dominated seats.
The TMC increased its vote share from 43% in 2019 elections to 48% in the election. Reasons given were:
After the debacle in the 2019 elections, Mamata Banerjee ordered her party to return the "cut-money" (money collected by extorting and accepting bribes from common people, in order to "allow" them to access government facilities)[355] in an attempt to distance herself from corruption perpetrated by her cadres & maintain her clean image.
To tone down the allegations of Muslim appeasement made against her, Mamata Banerjee declared an allowance for Hindu priests,[356] providing 50,000 INR to each Durga Puja committee in the state,[357] emphasising on her Bengali Brahmin background and reciting shlokas from the Devi Mahatmya in political rallies.[358]
The Didi Ke Bolo campaign launched by Prashant Kishor helped the electorate directly communicate with Mamata Banerjee and was widely popular in the state.[359] The programs aimed to rebrand the public image of Mamata Banerjee from an arrogant pro-Muslim streetfighter prone to outbursts of anger to a down-to-earth leader who represents Bengali cultural values on a national level.[360][361]
To curb the influence of party cadres acting as middlemen between common people and government schemes, Mamata Banerjee launched government programs like Duare Sarkar (transl. "Government at your doorstep")[362] and Paraye Paraye Somadhan (transl. "Solution at your neighbourhood")[363] which aimed to directly deliver welfare schemes run by the state government to the public, and were well received.[364]
TMC countered BJP's campaign of polarisation on religious grounds based on aggressive propagation of Hindutva by labelling the BJP as a party of non-Bengalis who were importing an alien culture in the state in their attempts of achieving cultural homogenization under the name of Hindu unity and portraying Mamata Banerjee as the defendant of Bengali identity in the face of Hindutva through its official election slogan "Bangla nijer meyekei chay" (transl. "Bengal wants its own daughter")[365]
Mamata Banerjee's decision to contest the elections only from Nandigram instead of her home-turf Bhabanipur (from where she had been elected MLA twice & MP for South Kolkata 7 times) motivated her party cadres demoralised by the rise of BJP in 2019 and the ensuing defection of many top TMC leaders, to dedicate themselves entirely in preventing the BJP from coming into power in the state.[366] Modi, Shah, and an entire hoard of high-profile leaders of national politics campaigned to remove Mamata Banerjee from power with the ECI acting biasedly in favour of the BJP[367] and that she was campaigning from a wheelchair, solidified Mamata Banerjee's image in public perception as a fighter who is unwilling to give up without a fight.[342] The TMC utilised this indomitable fighter spirit of her through its unofficial election anthem[368] "Khela Hobe" (transl. "The game is on"), which was later gave rise to the slogan "Bhanga Paye Khela Hobe" (transl. "The game will be played even with a fractured leg").[369]
Welfare schemes implemented by Mamata Banerjee like Kanyashree were already popular among the masses. They were combined by other populist schemes in the list of electoral promises, most notably Lakshmir Bhandar (basic income support for unemployed women).[370]
BJP's endorsement of the killing of Muslims in the Sitalkuchi firing incident left the Bengali Muslim community of the state (who constitute 30% of the electorate) fearful for their existence and security in the scenario of a BJP-ruled West Bengal, and they voted unitedly for the TMC in the election, especially in the Muslim-majority Malda division, where the Muslim votes until then was traditionally divided between the INC & CPI(M).[342]
The combined vote share of INC and Left Front fell from 11% in the 2019 general elections to 8% in this elections. Reasons given were:
Confusion regarding the party's policy was an important factor. Central INC leaders like Rahul Gandhi refrained from campaigning against Mamata Banerjee as the party enjoyed cooperation with the TMC at a national level, but at the state level PCC chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury refused to cooperate with TMC, and INC leaders found it difficult to justify their alliance with the Left Front in West Bengal while opposing the Left Front in Kerala at the same time.[371] The Left Front was divided over whether to consider BJP to be a greater threat than the TMC, and decided to focus more on opposing TMC than the BJP.[372] This strategy backfired on the Left Front as the TMC portrayed itself as the party that could withstand BJP in the state, and the Left Front was viewed as a "vote-cutter"[373] that divided the anti-BJP votes to BJP's advantage. A group of voters who had voted for the Left Front in the 2019 general elections, under influence of the non-partisan No Vote to BJP campaign[374][375][376][310][377][313] voted for the TMC to prevent BJP from coming into power.
To attract the anti-TMC and anti-BJP votes towards itself, the Sanyukta Morcha tried to portray BJP and TMC to be the same on the grounds that both parties harboured corrupt leaders and engaged in identity politics. The INC's official election slogan was "Aar kono bhul na, aar kono phul na" ("No More Mistakes, No More Flowers", referring to the election symbols of BJP and TMC). The Left Front also criticised both the parties in social media under the term Bijemool (portmanteau of the words BJP and Trinamool). This didn't catch on with the electorate, who saw BJP as a Hindu right-wing party and TMC as a center-left party.[378]
In spite of fielding Hindu candidates in the seats it had been allotted, public perception about ISF remained to be of a party by and for Muslims led by a hardliner cleric, Abbas Siddiqui, who had compared actress and TMC MP Nusrat Jahan to a prostitute in one of his apolitical jalsas in the past,[379] and the alliance between them and Peerzada of Furfura Sharif was met with unease within the INC.[380] The alliance with ISF wasn't appreciated by the Left Front workers at the grassroots level, who saw it as a violation of the Communist viewpoint of religion being the opium of the masses.
The inability of aged leaders at the top of Left Front to adapt to changed conditions in state politics & lack of youth representation in the top decision-making bodies has also been cited as a reason.[381]
In spite of mobilising huge amounts of crowds in the first rally of the Sanyukta Morcha at the Brigade Parade grounds before the elections began,[382] ISF failed to divide the Muslim votes between itself and TMC in Presidency division and Burdwan division as expected from it[379] in the aftermath of the Sitalkuchi shooting incident. The victory ISF's lone winning candidate (Abbas's brother Nowshad Siddiqui) in Bhangar has been credited to Arabul Islam's dissatisfaction for not being fielded as the candidate and the resulting non-cooperation with the district TMC leadership.[383]
Veteran BJP leader Tathagata Roy lashed out at the party leadership on Twitter for viewing the ground conditions in the state through what he called KDSA (i.e. Kailash Vijayvargiya, Dilip Ghosh, Shiv Prakash and Arvind Menon)[384] and questioned the party's decision to field Nogorer notis (transl. "City prostitutes"), referring to actresses Payel Sarkar, Tanushree Chakraborty and Srabanti Chatterjee, who were seen in a boat ride with TMC leader Madan Mitra in the past.[385] He also specifically blamed Dilip Ghosh's many controversial remarks, most notably his misogynistic comments against Goddess Durga, the most widely revered Hindu deity in Bengali Hindu society in his attempt to glorify Lord Rama, the most widely revered Hindu deity in North Indian Hindu society[m] & the ideological poster-boy of the RSS-BJP alongside Hanuman since the days of the Ram-mandir movement to justify the 'holier-than-thou' attitude of the Bengali Hindu supporters of BJP over the Bengali Hindus who don't support the BJP at a media conclave while campaigning for the elections, to be responsible for the party's poor performance. His Nogorer Noti remark drew widespread criticism online.
The average winning margin of all the candidates in this election stood at 26,964 votes, while the same for AITC candidates was 31,760 votes.[386] This loss was stated by the media to be Modi's personal failure.[387]
In view of the popular slogan "Khela Hobe", Mamata Banerjee declared that her party would observe 16 August as Khela Hobe Divas, which the BJP tried to link with Direct Action Day.[388] She also launched a government scheme named "Khela Hobe" which granted 5,00,000 INR and free footballs among 25,000 sporting clubs in the state to promote sports in economically poorer sections of society.[389]
Countering Shah's claim that BJP would come to power in West Bengal by winning around 200 or more seats out of the 294 seats in the state legislative assembly,[390][391] Kishor publicly declared that he would resign from his job if BJP managed to win more than a 100 seats in this elections.[392] Although he delivered his promise, Kishor declared his retirement from on being an election strategist on 2 May, citing personal reasons.[393][394][395]
Allegations of partial Election Commission
Election strategist Prashant Kishor who helped TMC in the elections, accused the Election Commission of being partial and helping the BJP saying, "I have never seen a more partial Election Commission... It did everything to help the BJP... From allowing the use of religion to scheduling the poll and bending the rules, the ECI did everything to help the BJP."[396]
Aftermath
Violence
Politically motivated violence in West Bengal took place since before the 2021 West Bengal elections.
Indian Home Minister and BJP member Amit Shah said that more than 300 BJP members were killed due to the political violence as of December 2020 and that "investigation in those cases hasn't moved an inch".
After results were announced, post-poll violence broke out in some areas of the state. In reality it was continuation of the violence which took place across the state during the election.[397][398] In recent times, the first occurrence of post-poll violence in the state was recorded in 2019 when BJP members targeted TMC staff and forcibly occupied or vandalised local TMC offices, mainly at the behest of the newly elected Barrackpore MP Arjun Singh.[399][400]
On May 2, the results had just started showing signs of Trinamool returning to power when the men arrived, going house to house, ransacking them, breaking some. By the end of the day, 40 families of a colony located on KPC Medical College grounds in Jadavpur had fled. All BJP supporters or workers say TMC threats had kept them away for two-and-a-half months .[401]
Government formation
Mamata Banerjee took an oath as the Chief Minister of West Bengal for the third time on 5 May 2021 at the Raj Bhawan in Kolkata.[402] She expanded the cabinet on 10 May 2021 when 43 TMC leaders were sworn in as ministers.[403] 17 new people were in the Third Banerjee ministry.[404][405]
Vacant seats
TMC candidate Kajal Sinha from Khardaha died from COVID-19 after polling but before the results of the state assembly elections were announced, in which he emerged victorious.[406] The ECI deferred the elections to two assembly seats in West Bengal in view of the COVID-19 pandemic. The polling had been rescheduled earlier to 16 May 2021 due to the death of two contestants from the Samserganj and Jangipur constituencies.[407] Mocking this decision, the TMC said "The Election Commission, though late, finally woke up. But when demands were made repeatedly to arrange the election in one day by combining 2–3 phases, then they remained silent."[408] Two BJP MLAs – Nisith Pramanik from Dinhata and Jaganath Sarkar from Shantipur constituencies – resigned after the election results, as they were sitting MPs from Cooch Behar and Ranaghat, respectively, and wanted to continue as MPs.[409]Jayanta Naskar, TMC MLA of Gosaba, died from COVID-19 on 19 June after testing negative for the disease.[410][411][412]
Appointments
Adhikari, with the support of 22 MLAs, was elected as Leader of Opposition in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly on 10 May 2021.[413][414]
Incumbent Cabinet ministers from the state, Babul Supriyo from Asansol and Debasree Chaudhuri from Raiganj, resigned from their positions due to their failure in rallying the voters from their respective constituencies to vote for BJP.[416] After the Cabinet reshuffle, Supriyo stated that he was quitting politics and his position as an MP, but after meeting the leaders of BJP, he decided to retain his position as an MP. He later joined TMC, stating that he wanted to remain in politics but his political participation was being restricted by BJP due to his defeat from Tollyganj and the party's poor performance in Asanol.[417]
Abhishek Banerjee was promoted from the president of state TMC's youth wing to all-India general secretary.[418]
Long time RSS activist and Balurghat MP Sukanta Majumdar succeeded Dilip Ghosh as the president of the state BJP unit, while Ghosh was made one of the national vice-presidents of the party.[419]
Defections
The Union Home Ministry decided to provide Y+ category security to Sisir Adhikari and his son Dibyendu Adhikari.[420][421][422]
East Bardhaman MP Sunil Mondal, who had earlier defected from TMC to BJP alongside Adhikari in 2020,[20] declared in August that he was "always with the TMC".[423]
Four other MLAs – Soumen Roy from Kaliaganj,[425] Biswajit Das from Bagda,[426] Tanmoy Ghosh from Bishnupur[427] and Krishna Kalyani from Raiganj[428][429][430][431] switched from BJP to TMC following Roy without being disqualified from their membership.
All-India president of Congress's women's wing and its national spokesperson and former Silchar MP Sushmita Dev joined TMC,[432] and was followed by Luizinho Faleiro.[433][434][435]
After joining TMC,[436][437] Supriyo resigned as MP on 19 October.[438][439]
The ECI deferred the elections in Samserganj and Jangipur constituencies due to the death of two candidates.[75]
AITC MLA Sovandeb Chattopadhyay from Bhabanipur resigned after the election to allow Mamata Banerjee to contest a by-election in the constituency.[443]
In the beginning of September, the ECI announced that general elections for Jangipur and Samserganj assembly seats and by-election for Bhabanipur seat would be held on 30 September and votes would be counted on 3 October. The time limit for filing nominations was set from 6 September until 13 September for Bhabanipur only.[78][4][444] Mamata Banerjee filed hers on 10 September.[445][446] A total of 12 candidates contested in Bhabanipur by-poll.[447][448] Kishor enrolled himself as a voter from Bhabanipur, but he did not cast his vote.[449][450]
A total of 52 central forces companies were deployed to the three poll-bound Assembly constituencies' booths.[451][452][453][454] Section 144 was enforced in Bhabanipur on 28 September.[455][456] On the eve of polling, the Commission deployed an additional 20 companies of central forces in Bhabanipur.[457][458][459]
On 28 September, the ECI announced that remaining by-polls would be held on 30 October and votes counted on 2 November.[460][461]
On 30 September the first report of violence came from Samserganj, and Congress candidate Jaidur Rahaman was accused of carrying out a bombing in this constituency.[462] TMC activists raised "go back" slogans surrounding him while he inspected booths on polling day. Central forces were accused of kicking TMC leader Habibur Rahman, the outgoing councilor of Ward 20 of Dhulian Municipality under Samserganj Assembly.[463][464] Priyanka Tibrewal, BJP candidate of Bhabanipur, was accused of violating the ECI's model code of conduct by travelling across the area with many cars and people at once.[465][466] After she claimed to have caught fake voters, Firhad Hakim pointed out that as a candidate she had no right to check their identities.[467] BJP leader Kalyan Chaubey's car was allegedly vandalised in Bhabanipur and BJP blamed TMC for the act.[468] Police released CCTV footage of the incident, claiming it had nothing to do with politics.[469][470] BJP claimed that Chaubey was their candidate's election agent but according to Commission sources, he was the agent of a Hindustani Awam Morcha candidate. The vehicle he used to get to the polling constituency was not registered by the EC. BJP lodged a total of 23 complaints against TMC over the voting process in Bhabanipur, but the ECI dismissed all of them.[471] A total of 697,164 voters were eligible to cast their votes in the three constituencies.[296][297][201][202] The voter turnout for Samserganj, Jangipur, and Bhabanipur was recorded at 79.92%, 77.63%, and 57.09% respectively.[472][473]
Results were announced on 3 October, with TMC winning the three seats.[474] Mamata Banerjee won the Bhabanipur Assembly seat by a margin of 58,835 votes over the BJP candidate.[2][475][476] TMC led in all wards of Bhabanipur, including wards 70 and 74, where BJP led in the last assembly polls.[477] On the same day, TMC officially announced a list of candidates for upcoming assembly by-elections to four seats.[478]
The Model Code of Conduct was imposed in Nadia, Cooch Behar, Khardaha, and Gosaba.[479] The ECI initially deployed 27 companies of central forces for the remaining by-elections.[480][481] A week before the by-elections, an additional 53 companies entered the state.[482] Later, the ECI decided to deploy a total of 92 CAPF companies.[483]
On the last day of the Dinhata by-election campaign, Dilip Ghosh and Sukanta Majumdar met the deputy inspector general of police, Shailendra Kumar Singh, at the Border Security Force sector headquarters of Sonari in Cooch Behar. This was controversial because the Chief Minister could not even hold administrative meetings with Cooch Behar district officials, as the model code of conduct was in effect. Reacting to this, Hakim said "Recently, the Ministry of Home Affairs has increased the jurisdiction of BSF to 50 km.[484][485][486] Taking advantage of this, the BJP leaders went to pull the BSF chief over to their side." TMC lodged a complaint with the ECI.[487][488] A TMC deputy went to the district magistrate's chamber and complained that the BSF-BJP meeting had violated the model code of conduct.[489]
On polling day, central forces were accused of intimidating voters at booth 296 in Dinhata and some other booths in Kharadaha and Gosaba.[490][491] In Kharadha, the central forces prevented TMC candidate Sovandeb Chattopadhyay from entering a booth, who alleged that they unfairly demanded to see double vaccination certificates from voters. The problem was resolved after informing the matter to the presiding officer.[492][493] During the election campaign, Joy Saha, BJP candidate of Khardaha, used a picture of the deceased TMC leader Kajal Sinha in his campaign.[494] On election day, he claimed to have caught two fake voters red-handed, which was proven false. When he claimed to have caught a fake voter and BJP supporters started harassing the man, a fight broke out between the TMC and the BJP over the incident.[495] Joy Saha's personal security guards baton charged TMC activists, injuring the Sinha's son in the process.[496][497] Gosaba registered highest voter turnout among four constituencies.[498][499]
The results of the four constituencies was announced on 2 November, with TMC winning all seats.[500] TMC's Sovandeb Chattopadhyay and Subrata Mondal won Khardaha[501] and Gosaba,[502] respectively, by huge margins. Udayan Guha, who lost the Dinhata seat by a margin of 57 votes during the assembly election, won the seat in the bypolls by a margin of 164,089 votes.[503] TMC also won the Santipur seat, where Braja Kishor Goswami[504] was the TMC candidate, from the BJP by a considerable margin of votes.[505]
^Shyamaprasad Mukherjee was initially a member of the Hindu Mahasabha. After the Mahasabha became unpopular due to its involvement in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, Mukherjee formed a new Hindu right-wing party called Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS). During the Emergency era, Atal Bihari Vajpayee merged the BJS with other parties to form the Janata Party. Following disagreements with Morarji Desai over his Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) membership, Vajpayee broke away from the Janata Party and re-created the BJS under the name of BJP. Although Vajpayee is the legal founder of BJP, the party sees itself as a continuation of BJS and thus considers Mukherjee to be the founder of BJP.
^Apart from these, an announcement about two new municipalities was made in October 2021.[25][26]Bally Municipality was re-established on 12 November 2021.[27][28]
^ a b cFor candidates only sponsored by the Indian National Congress in Samserganj[80] and Revolutionary Socialist Party in Jangipur.[81]
^Marxist Forward Bloc contested the election on the "Hammer Sickle and Star" symbol and name of national political party Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM).
^Indian Secular Front is an unregistered political party and it contested the election on the "Envelope" symbol and name of Bihar-based political party Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party (RSMP).[105][94]
^This survey was larger than any other opinion poll conducted by other agencies, on the basis of sample size, which for this survey was 147,000.
^Apart from these, there were 128 overseas electors. Among them, 2 electors exercised their franchise.[103]
^ a bElection postponed due to candidate's death before the scheduled date of poll
^Unlike in the Middle East, 'harem' in the Indian subcontinent referred to the inner apartments of a Muslim household exclusively reserved for concubines, while the same for legitimately-wedded wives is called as zenana
^According to the definition of a Hindu, as espoused by Hindutva ideologue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the BJP regards the Adivasi people as part of the Hindu society, & the RSS has always tried to make the Adivasis abandon their indigenous folk religion in favour of mainstream Hinduism in order to facilitate their integration into Hindu society, however certain Adivasi groups have resisted these attempts & have demanded their religion to be recognised as a separate religion
^worship of Rama is not much popular in Bengal, due to the influence of Radha Krishna-centric Gaudiya Vaishnavism, Shaktism centred around Durga & Kali and Shiva-centric Nath ideology
Citations
^ a b c"Election Commission of India". results.eci.gov.in. Archived from the original on 3 May 2021. Retrieved 2 May 2021.
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