Quienes creen que las acciones de Israel constituyen un genocidio señalan el antipalestinismo arraigado , el racismo antiárabe , la islamofobia y la retórica genocida en la sociedad israelí, y señalan eventos como la Nakba , la masacre de Sabra y Chatila , el bloqueo de la Franja de Gaza , la Guerra de Gaza de 2014 y la guerra entre Israel y Hamás como episodios genocidas particularmente pertinentes. [6] [7] Los estudiosos del derecho internacional y del genocidio han acusado a los funcionarios israelíes de utilizar un lenguaje deshumanizador . [8] [9] [10] Durante la guerra entre Israel y Hamás de 2023, el historiador del Holocausto israelí Omer Bartov advirtió que las declaraciones hechas por funcionarios de alto rango del gobierno israelí "podrían fácilmente interpretarse como una indicación de una intención genocida". [11]
El 29 de diciembre de 2023, Sudáfrica presentó una demanda contra Israel ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia , alegando que la conducta de Israel en Gaza durante la guerra de 2023 equivalía a genocidio. [12] [13] Sudáfrica solicitó a la CIJ que emitiera medidas provisionales, incluida la orden de que Israel detuviera su campaña militar en Gaza. [12] El gobierno israelí aceptó defenderse en los procedimientos de la CIJ, al tiempo que denunció las acciones de Sudáfrica como "vergonzosas" y la acusó de instigar a "los herederos modernos de los nazis ". [14] El caso de Sudáfrica ha sido apoyado por varios países . [15] El 26 de enero de 2024, la CIJ emitió un fallo preliminar en el que determinó que las reclamaciones de la presentación de Sudáfrica eran "plausibles" y emitió una orden a Israel exigiéndole que tomara todas las medidas a su alcance para prevenir actos de genocidio y permitir la entrada de servicios humanitarios básicos en Gaza. [16] En marzo de 2024, la relatora especial de la ONU sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en los territorios palestinos ocupados , Francesca Albanese , publicó un informe en el que afirmaba que había "motivos razonables para creer que se había alcanzado el umbral que indica la comisión" de actos de genocidio. Israel rechazó el informe. [17] [18]
Israel y los Estados Unidos han rechazado la afirmación de que Israel está cometiendo genocidio. [19] [20] Mientras que algunos académicos describen a los palestinos como víctimas de genocidio, otros argumentan que no son víctimas de genocidio, sino más bien de limpieza étnica , [21] [22] [23] politicidio , espacicidio , genocidio cultural o similar. [24] [25] [a] Algunos críticos de la acusación han argumentado que la acusación de que Israel está cometiendo genocidio es una afirmación comúnmente hecha por los antisionistas con el objetivo de deslegitimar o demonizar a Israel. [29]
Historia
Siglo XX
Nakba
La Nakba es el desplazamiento violento y el despojo del pueblo palestino, junto con la destrucción de su sociedad, cultura , identidad, derechos políticos y aspiraciones nacionales . [30] La Nakba comenzó durante la guerra de Palestina de 1948 , y el término se ha utilizado para describir la persecución y el desplazamiento continuos de los palestinos por parte de Israel en todos los territorios palestinos. [31] Los palestinos continuaron siendo expulsados , y más ciudades y pueblos palestinos fueron destruidos, y se establecieron nuevos asentamientos israelíes en su lugar. [32]
En 2010, los historiadores Martin Shaw y Omer Bartov debatieron si la Nakba de 1948 debería considerarse un genocidio, y Shaw argumentó que sí y Bartov no estuvo de acuerdo. [36] [37] El ex secretario general adjunto del Consejo Musulmán de Gran Bretaña , Daud Abdullah , ha declarado que "dada la intención declarada de los líderes sionistas, esta destrucción y despoblación generalizada de las aldeas palestinas encaja fácilmente con la definición de genocidio citada en la Convención para la Prevención y la Sanción del Delito de Genocidio ". [38] [39] El historiador John Docker también ha escrito varios artículos que detallan la Nakba como un genocidio. [40] [41] Varios académicos han escrito que los palestinos sufrieron una limpieza étnica durante la Nakba, pero que no consideraron que el evento hubiera sido un genocidio. [b]
Naksa
La académica Clare Brandabur incluye el éxodo palestino de 1967 (conocido como Naksa) entre las acciones llevadas a cabo por Israel que muestran un patrón que busca la "destrucción del patrón nacional del grupo oprimido". [48] Esta visión también es apoyada por académicos posteriores. [49] La Naksa fue la expulsión de alrededor de 280.000 a 325.000 palestinos durante y después de la Guerra de los Seis Días , incluida la destrucción de numerosas aldeas palestinas. [50] [51] [52]
Masacre de Sabra y Chatila
Monumento en memoria de los muertos en la masacre de Sabra, en el sur de Beirut
En septiembre de 1982, entre 460 y 3.500 civiles, en su mayoría palestinos y musulmanes chiítas libaneses , fueron asesinados en el barrio de Sabra de Beirut y en el cercano campo de refugiados de Shatila durante la Guerra Civil Libanesa . Los asesinatos fueron llevados a cabo por las Fuerzas Libanesas , una de las principales milicias cristianas en el Líbano en ese momento. Entre la tarde del 16 de septiembre y la mañana del 18 de septiembre, la milicia libanesa llevó a cabo los asesinatos mientras las Fuerzas de Defensa de Israel (FDI) tenían el campamento palestino rodeado. [53] Las FDI habían ordenado a la milicia que expulsara a los combatientes de la Organización para la Liberación de Palestina (OLP) de Sabra y Shatila como parte de una maniobra israelí más amplia en el oeste de Beirut. A medida que se desarrollaba la masacre, las FDI recibieron informes de atrocidades que se estaban cometiendo, pero no tomaron ninguna medida para detenerla. [54] [55]
El 16 de diciembre de 1982, la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas condenó la masacre de Sabra y Chatila y la declaró un acto de genocidio. [56] [57] [58] El registro de votaciones [59] [60] [61] sobre la sección D de la Resolución 37/123 fue: sí: 123; no: 0; abstenciones: 22; no votantes: 12. El delegado de Canadá afirmó: "El término genocidio no puede, en nuestra opinión, aplicarse a este acto inhumano en particular". [61] El delegado de Singapur , que votó "sí", añadió: "Mi delegación lamenta el uso del término 'un acto de genocidio'... [ya que] el término 'genocidio' se utiliza para significar actos cometidos con la intención de destruir, total o parcialmente, a un grupo nacional, étnico, racial o religioso". Canadá y Singapur cuestionaron si la Asamblea General era competente para determinar si un evento de esa índole constituiría genocidio. [61] La Unión Soviética , por el contrario, afirmó que: "La palabra para lo que Israel está haciendo en suelo libanés es genocidio. Su propósito es destruir a los palestinos como nación". [62] El delegado de Nicaragua afirmó: "Es difícil creer que un pueblo que sufrió tanto por la política nazi de exterminio a mediados del siglo XX utilizaría los mismos argumentos y métodos fascistas y genocidas contra otros pueblos". [62] Estados Unidos comentó que "si bien la criminalidad de la masacre estaba fuera de toda duda, fue un uso indebido grave e imprudente del lenguaje etiquetar esta tragedia como genocidio tal como se define en la Convención de 1948". [61] William Schabas , director del Centro Irlandés de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad Nacional de Irlanda , [63] afirmó: "el término genocidio ... había sido elegido obviamente para avergonzar a Israel en lugar de por cualquier preocupación con la precisión legal". [61]
La Plaza de los Mártires es un lugar en el campo de refugiados de Chatila donde tuvo lugar una de las ejecuciones masivas durante la masacre de Sabra y Chatila, así como también es el lugar de enterramiento de algunas de las víctimas.
Ese mismo año, una comisión independiente encabezada por Seán MacBride investigó las supuestas violaciones del derecho internacional por parte de Israel y cuatro de sus seis miembros concluyeron que "la destrucción deliberada de los derechos nacionales y culturales y de la identidad del pueblo palestino equivalía a genocidio". [64] [65] En su conclusión, la comisión recomendó "que se designe o establezca un organismo internacional competente para aclarar la concepción del genocidio en relación con las políticas y prácticas israelíes hacia el pueblo palestino". [66] David Hirst cree que, si bien la decisión de la Asamblea General de la ONU todavía podría calificarse de parcial, era más difícil decir lo mismo de la Comisión McBride, así como de personas de todo el mundo, especialmente judíos, que compartían la opinión de sus cuatro miembros. [67]
La masacre también fue investigada por la Comisión israelí Kahan . La comisión concluyó que, aunque ningún israelí estuvo directamente involucrado en los asesinatos, varios ministros del gobierno israelí y militares fueron indirectamente responsables. Deberían haber tenido en cuenta los sentimientos de sus aliados libaneses después de que su líder Bachir Gemayel había sido asesinado junto con otros 26 falangistas en un ataque con bomba dos días antes, [68] y también haber tomado medidas decisivas para detener los asesinatos cuando se recibió la primera información. [69] Las conclusiones de la comisión fueron aceptadas a regañadientes por el gobierno israelí, en medio de violentas protestas rivales, a favor y en contra del gobierno. [70]
En entrevistas con el director de cine Lokman Slim en 2005, algunos de los combatientes de la milicia cristiana libanesa informaron que, antes de la masacre, las FDI los llevaron a campos de entrenamiento en Israel y les mostraron documentales sobre el Holocausto. [71] Los israelíes dijeron a los combatientes libaneses que a ellos también les sucedería lo mismo, como minoría en el Líbano, si los combatientes no tomaban medidas contra los palestinos. [71] La película se llamó "Massaker" , presentaba a seis perpetradores de la masacre de Sabra y Chatila, y fue galardonada con el Premio Fipresci en la Berlinale de 2005. [72]
Siglo XXI
Bloqueo de Gaza
Caricatura de Carlos Latuff que muestra las consecuencias del bloqueo de Israel a Gaza en 2010 [73]
En 2005 y nuevamente en 2007, Israel impuso un bloqueo con el apoyo del gobierno egipcio al movimiento de bienes y personas dentro y fuera de la Franja de Gaza . Muchos manifestantes en todo el mundo calificaron el bloqueo de acto de genocidio, [74] [75] y el presidente venezolano Hugo Chávez llamó a consultas al embajador de Venezuela en Israel y calificó los ataques de Israel de "genocidio". [76] El nuevo historiador israelí Ilan Pappé ha argumentado que el genocidio "es la única forma apropiada de describir lo que está haciendo el ejército israelí en la Franja de Gaza". [77] [78] Y en su libro de 2017, Diez mitos sobre Israel , Pappé escribió: "La afirmación de Israel de que sus acciones desde 2006 han sido parte de una guerra de autodefensa contra el terrorismo. Me aventuraré a llamarlo... un genocidio incremental del pueblo de Gaza". [79] [80] En un artículo escrito en 2023 en el International Journal of Human Rights , Mohammed Nijim expresó su creencia "de que las políticas israelíes que se promulgaron después de la introducción del bloqueo de la Franja de Gaza equivalían a un genocidio en cámara lenta", [81] siguiendo descripciones anteriores del trato de Israel a los palestinos como un "genocidio en cámara lenta". [82] [83] Esto está en línea con la aplicación que hace Uğur Ümit Üngör de la descripción de Lemkin del genocidio como la "imposición del patrón nacional" como "genocida como formas incrementales de violencia lenta". [84] Durante el período del bloqueo, varios otros comentaristas de organizaciones políticas y de noticias han etiquetado el bloqueo de diversas formas como genocidio y sociocidio. [85] [86] [87]
El bloqueo de 2007 ha continuado desde su implementación. [88] [89] [90]
Guerra de Gaza de 2008
La Guerra de Gaza de 2008, también conocida como «Operación Plomo Fundido» [91] y «Masacre de Gaza», [92] [93] [94] fue un conflicto armado de tres semanas entre grupos paramilitares palestinos de la Franja de Gaza y las Fuerzas de Defensa de Israel que comenzó el 27 de diciembre de 2008 y terminó el 18 de enero de 2009 con un alto el fuego unilateral. El conflicto se saldó con la muerte de entre 1.166 y 1.417 palestinos y 13 israelíes. [95] Más de 46.000 viviendas fueron destruidas en Gaza, dejando a más de 100.000 personas sin hogar. [96]
El abogado estadounidense de derechos humanos Francis Boyle y el historiador Ilan Pappé consideran que las acciones de Israel contra Gaza en la Guerra de Gaza de 2008 fueron genocidas. [97]
Guerra de Gaza de 2014
Ruinas de edificios en Beit Hanoun , agosto de 2014
La Guerra de Gaza de 2014, también conocida como Operación Margen Protector, fue una operación militar lanzada por Israel el 8 de julio de 2014 en la Franja de Gaza. [6] [98] Al-Haq , una organización palestina de derechos humanos, concluyó en un informe que se cometieron graves violaciones del derecho internacional en el curso de la ofensiva israelí de 2014 contra Gaza. La organización, junto con otras organizaciones palestinas de derechos humanos, el Centro Palestino de Derechos Humanos , el Centro Al Mezan de Derechos Humanos y Addameer , presentaron un expediente legal a la Corte Penal Internacional alentándola a comenzar una investigación y enjuiciamiento de los crímenes contra la humanidad y los crímenes de guerra cometidos durante el curso de la ofensiva israelí de Gaza de 2014. El crimen de genocidio fue mencionado como un crimen israelí por estos grupos. [99] Además, docenas de sobrevivientes del Holocausto , junto con cientos de descendientes de sobrevivientes y víctimas del Holocausto, acusaron a Israel de "genocidio" por las muertes de más de 2.000 palestinos en Gaza durante la Guerra de Gaza de 2014. [99] [100] [101] En una declaración de septiembre a las Naciones Unidas, el presidente palestino Mahmoud Abbas afirmó que la guerra equivalía a un crimen genocida. [102] El analista político y diplomático Abukar Arman trazó paralelismos entre lo que llamó el "genocidio en Palestina" y el genocidio de Darfur , destacando lo que él cree que son motivos políticos para que la comunidad internacional etiquete a Darfur como un genocidio, pero no a Palestina. [103]
Crisis entre Israel y Palestina de 2021
Durante la crisis entre Israel y Palestina de 2021 , circuló en las redes sociales un vídeo que mostraba a israelíes celebrando en el Muro Occidental , mientras un árbol cerca de la mezquita de Al-Aqsa ardía de fondo. Una gran multitud de judíos israelíes se reunió alrededor de una hoguera cerca de la mezquita el 10 de mayo, cantando yimakh shemam , una maldición hebrea que significa "que sus nombres sean borrados". La cofundadora de IfNotNow y directora de B'Tselem USA, Simone Zimmerman, los criticó por exhibir "animada genocida hacia los palestinos, envalentonada y sin filtros". [104] [105] The Intercept describió el vídeo como "inquietante" y un ejemplo de "frenesí ultranacionalista". Ayman Odeh , miembro de la Knesset por la Lista Conjunta , dijo que el vídeo era "impactante". [105]
En una encuesta de opinión realizada a judíos estadounidenses , encargada por el Jewish Electorate Institute tras la crisis de 2021, el 22 por ciento estuvo de acuerdo en que "Israel está cometiendo genocidio contra los palestinos", [106] y Matt Boxer en The Forward señaló que la encuesta puede haber subestimado el porcentaje de judíos estadounidenses que tienen una visión crítica de Israel porque no tuvo en cuenta a los judíos seculares que tienden a estar menos apegados a Israel. [107] Por el contrario, la acusación de genocidio durante este período fue rechazada como "ridícula" y "sin fundamento" por varios abogados de derechos humanos judíos e israelíes, incluidos algunos que habían acusado a Israel de apartheid. [20]
Guerra entre Israel y Hamás de 2023
Un manifestante sostiene un cartel que dice "No en nuestro nombre, judíos contra el genocidio", en una marcha a favor de Palestina en Bristol , Reino Unido, el 4 de noviembre de 2023.
Tras el bombardeo de Gaza por Israel, en respuesta a los ataques de Hamás , surgieron preocupaciones entre los palestinos, los expertos en derecho internacional y el genocidio sobre la posibilidad de un genocidio contra los palestinos por parte de las fuerzas israelíes. [108] Según Time , actualmente hay desacuerdo entre los académicos sobre si las acciones de Israel pueden describirse como un genocidio contra los palestinos. [109] El 15 de octubre, TWAILR publicó una declaración firmada por más de 800 académicos legales, alarmados por esta posibilidad, instando a la ONU, incluida la Oficina de las Naciones Unidas para la Prevención del Genocidio y la Responsabilidad de Proteger , así como a la Oficina del Fiscal de la Corte Penal Internacional a intervenir y proteger a la población palestina. [110] [111] [112] A fines de octubre, tanto Genocide Watch como el Instituto Lemkin para la Prevención del Genocidio emitieron declaraciones advirtiendo del riesgo inminente de genocidio. [113] [114] Posteriormente, en diciembre, el Instituto Lemkin declaró que consideraba que las continuas acciones de Israel constituían un genocidio. [115] Además, 100 organizaciones de la sociedad civil y seis expertos en genocidio [c] solicitaron a Karim Khan , fiscal de la Corte Penal Internacional , que investigara nuevos crímenes en territorios palestinos y emitiera órdenes de arresto contra funcionarios israelíes. Estas acciones fueron subrayadas por declaraciones de abogados y grupos como el Centro de Derechos Constitucionales [117] y Defensa de los Niños Internacional [118] , que acusaron a los Estados Unidos de complicidad en estos presuntos crímenes .
Posturas de los Estados:
Sudáfrica
Países que han apoyado el caso de Sudáfrica
Países que se han opuesto al caso de Sudáfrica
Israel
Expertos de las Naciones Unidas, académicos y organizaciones de derechos humanos han amplificado aún más estas preocupaciones. [119] [120] Los relatores de la ONU advirtieron del grave riesgo de genocidio para los palestinos, [121] [111] [122] y varios grupos de derechos palestinos [d] presentaron una demanda ante la CPI, instando al organismo a investigar a Israel por "apartheid" así como por "genocidio" y emitir órdenes de arresto contra los líderes israelíes. [123] Ernesto Verdeja, profesor de la Universidad de Notre Dame , dijo a Time el 14 de noviembre que las acciones de Israel en Gaza estaban gravitando hacia una "campaña genocida", señalando que "la respuesta cuando hay una crisis de seguridad... puede ser un alto el fuego, negociación, o puede ser genocidio". [109] Victoria Sanford, profesora de la City University de Nueva York , comparó los acontecimientos en Gaza con la matanza y desaparición de 200.000 mayas en Guatemala entre 1960 y 1996 , hoy conocida como el genocidio guatemalteco . [109] David Simon, director de estudios sobre genocidio en la Universidad de Yale , afirmó que era posible que un tribunal pudiera encontrar a las FDI culpables de cometer un acto de genocidio, pero añadió que "ciertamente no es un libro de texto en el sentido de que es difícil relacionar la intención de destruir a un grupo étnico como tal". [109] Ben Kiernan, de Yale, opinó que los acontecimientos "no cumplieron con el umbral muy alto que se requiere para cumplir con la definición legal de genocidio". [109] La Voz Judía por la Paz y la FIDH han condenado abiertamente las acciones como genocidas. [124] [125] Sudáfrica, apoyada por varios países, [e] presentó una demanda contra Israel ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia, etiquetando la conducta de Israel como genocidio y solicitando medidas provisionales para detener la campaña militar en Gaza. [12] [13] Esta medida fue recibida con fuertes críticas por parte del gobierno israelí, pero encontró el apoyo de algunos políticos israelíes, incluido Ofer Cassif . [159]
En junio de 2024, Susan M. Akram, directora de la Clínica Internacional de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad de Boston, al revisar las declaraciones, los comentarios y la literatura publicada por académicos relevantes, concluyó que existe un consenso entre los académicos de que Israel está cometiendo genocidio. [160]
Traslado forzoso de población
Manifestante con cartel que dice "Fin del genocidio palestino" en Londres el 9 de octubre de 2023
La orden de evacuación de Israel fue caracterizada como un traslado forzoso de población por Jan Egeland , el ex diplomático noruego involucrado en el Acuerdo de Oslo . [161] Un "traslado forzoso" es la reubicación forzada de una población civil como parte de un delito organizado contra ella y es considerado un crimen contra la humanidad por la Corte Penal Internacional . [162] En una entrevista con la BBC , Egeland declaró: "Hay cientos de miles de personas huyendo para salvar su vida - [eso] no es algo que deba llamarse evacuación. Es un traslado forzoso de personas de todo el norte de Gaza, lo que según la Convención de Ginebra es un crimen de guerra". [161] La relatora especial de la ONU, Francesca Albanese, advirtió sobre una limpieza étnica masiva en Gaza. [163] Raz Segal , un historiador israelí y director del programa de Estudios del Holocausto y el Genocidio en la Universidad de Stockton , lo calificó como un "caso clásico de genocidio". [164] Un documento filtrado del Ministerio de Inteligencia israelí , un ministerio menor que realiza investigaciones pero no establece políticas, sugirió una expulsión permanente de la población de Gaza a Egipto, lo que se ha descrito como un respaldo a la limpieza étnica; el gobierno israelí restó importancia al informe como un "documento conceptual" hipotético. [165] [166] La transferencia es un tema de discusión y desacuerdo dentro del gobierno de Israel, con algunos pidiendo expresamente la expulsión permanente de los palestinos de Gaza. [167]
Violencia en Cisjordania
Durante la ocupación israelí de Cisjordania , Israel y los colonos han cometido actos de violencia contra los palestinos, desplazándolos por la fuerza y matándolos. Un activista palestino dijo que la violencia de los colonos era la "punta del iceberg" del sistema que describió como genocida y de apartheid . [168] Durante la guerra entre Israel y Hamás, la violencia de los colonos y las incursiones israelíes aumentaron considerablemente. Eitay Mack, un activista israelí de derechos humanos, escribió en el Middle East Eye que la masacre de Huwara constituyó un pogromo y una incitación al genocidio. [169] El Proyecto de Justicia Adalah dijo de manera similar que la retórica de los funcionarios israelíes antes del ataque fue genocida. [170] El Instituto Lemkin para la Prevención del Genocidio afirmó que las acciones israelíes en Cisjordania durante la guerra fueron genocidio. [171]
El genocidio es la destrucción intencional de un pueblo [f] en todo o en parte. Según Yair Auron , entre 1948 y 2008, los "investigadores" no analizaron el conflicto entre Israel y Palestina en términos del concepto de genocidio, pero posteriormente se inició un debate al respecto. En 2017, Auron afirmó que esperaba que con el tiempo se intensificara el debate sobre el concepto de genocidio palestino. [189]
Rafael Lemkin
El término "genocidio" fue acuñado en 1944 por un erudito jurídico judío polaco , Raphael Lemkin , quien escribió [g] que "el término no significa necesariamente asesinatos en masa". [190] [191]
[190] Con mayor frecuencia, el término [genocidio] se refiere a un plan coordinado cuyo objetivo es destruir los fundamentos esenciales de la vida de grupos nacionales, de modo que estos grupos se marchiten y mueran como plantas que han sufrido una plaga. El fin puede lograrse mediante la desintegración forzada de las instituciones políticas y sociales, de la cultura del pueblo, de su idioma, sus sentimientos nacionales y su religión. Puede lograrse eliminando toda base de seguridad personal, libertad, salud y dignidad. Cuando estos medios fallan, siempre se puede recurrir a la ametralladora como último recurso. El genocidio se dirige contra un grupo nacional como entidad y el ataque a individuos es sólo secundario ante la aniquilación del grupo nacional al que pertenecen .
Otras definiciones de genocidio
Según Ernesto Verdeja, profesor asociado de ciencias políticas y estudios de la paz en la Universidad de Notre Dame, hay tres maneras de conceptualizar el genocidio además de la definición legal: en las ciencias sociales académicas, en la política y la política internacionales y en el uso público coloquial. El enfoque de las ciencias sociales académicas no requiere prueba de intención, [192] y los científicos sociales a menudo definen el genocidio de manera más amplia. [109] La definición de política y política internacionales se centra en la política de prevención y la intervención y puede significar en realidad "violencia a gran escala contra civiles" cuando la utilizan los gobiernos y las organizaciones internacionales. Por último, Verdeja dice que la forma en que el público en general usa coloquialmente "genocidio" es generalmente "como un término sustituto de los mayores males". [192] Alexander Hinton , presidente de la Cátedra UNESCO de prevención del genocidio en la Universidad Rutgers, dice que la definición coloquial se centra en "la destrucción a gran escala y los actos perpetrados contra una población" y señala el Holocausto y el genocidio guatemalteco como ejemplos que caen dentro de esta definición. [109]
Convención sobre el Genocidio
En 1948, la Convención de las Naciones Unidas contra el Genocidio definió el genocidio como cualquiera de los cinco "actos cometidos con la intención de destruir, total o parcialmente, a un grupo nacional, étnico, racial o religioso". Los cinco actos eran: matar a miembros del grupo, causarles graves daños físicos o mentales, imponer condiciones de vida destinadas a destruir al grupo, impedir los nacimientos y trasladar a los niños fuera del grupo por la fuerza. Las víctimas deben ser elegidas por su pertenencia real o percibida a un grupo, no al azar. [193] [194]
Se han identificado varias acciones relacionadas con estas cinco leyes:
Israel ha sido acusado de matar palestinos. En la demanda presentada por Sudáfrica contra Israel ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia , los fiscales reconocieron la matanza masiva de palestinos en Gaza.
Se ha acusado a Israel de causar graves daños físicos y mentales a los palestinos. Entre los tipos de ataques utilizados por Israel contra los palestinos se incluyen la guerra psicológica , [195] [184] la violación y la violencia sexual . [185] [186]
Israel ha sido acusado de imponer condiciones de vida destinadas a destruir a los palestinos como grupo. [187] Tras la masacre de Sabra y Chatila en 1982, una comisión independiente encabezada por Seán MacBride investigó las supuestas violaciones del derecho internacional por parte de Israel y cuatro de sus seis miembros concluyeron que "la destrucción deliberada de los derechos nacionales y culturales y de la identidad del pueblo palestino equivalía a genocidio". [64] [65] El Tribunal de Crímenes de Guerra de Kuala Lumpur , un "tribunal de ciudadanos", declaró en 2013 a Israel culpable de genocidio por las acciones adoptadas durante los 67 años anteriores, coincidiendo con la fiscalía en que las "duras condiciones de vida se infligieron deliberadamente para destruir" a los palestinos. [196]
Israel ha sido acusado de impedir los nacimientos de palestinos. El Centro Palestino de Derechos Humanos sostiene que las medidas israelíes han tenido por objeto impedir los nacimientos. Enumera medidas como: "falta de protección frente a ataques militares, servicios sanitarios deficientes y acceso inseguro a la atención sanitaria, acceso restringido a una alimentación adecuada y condiciones de vida terribles que aumentan los riesgos durante el embarazo". Señala que "todas estas violaciones han aumentado los abortos espontáneos entre las mujeres embarazadas, los partos prematuros y los mortinatos, mientras que muchas de ellas temen la mortalidad materna o los mortinatos debido a la falta de atención sanitaria y a la ignorancia de sus necesidades especiales". [197] En la demanda de Sudáfrica contra Israel ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia , los fiscales señalaron la imposición por parte de Israel de medidas que impiden los nacimientos de palestinos mediante la destrucción de servicios sanitarios esenciales, vitales para la supervivencia de las mujeres embarazadas y sus bebés. En la demanda se afirma que todas esas acciones tenían "por objeto provocar su destrucción [de los palestinos] como grupo". [198]
Israel ha sido acusado de trasladar por la fuerza a niños de grupos palestinos. La organización independiente Defensa de los Niños Internacional - Palestina (DCIP) ha declarado que desde el año 2000, el ejército israelí ha detenido a unos 13.000 niños palestinos, casi todos varones de entre 12 y 17 años. [199] Miranda Cleland, una funcionaria de defensa de los derechos de los niños de la DCIP, declaró: "Dondequiera que un niño palestino se vuelva, allí está el ejército israelí ejerciendo algún tipo de control sobre su vida". Basándose en declaraciones juradas recogidas de 766 niños detenidos entre 2016 y 2022, la DCIP descubrió que aproximadamente el 59% fueron secuestrados por soldados durante la noche. El 75% de los niños fueron sometidos a violencia física y el 97% fueron interrogados sin la presencia de un familiar o un abogado. Una cuarta parte son puestos en régimen de aislamiento durante dos o más días, incluso antes del comienzo de un juicio. [199] El grupo palestino de derechos humanos Addameer ha llegado a la conclusión de que el lanzamiento de piedras es la acusación más frecuente contra los menores palestinos detenidos en Cisjordania , punible con hasta 20 años de prisión según la legislación militar israelí. [199] El Observatorio Euromediterráneo de Derechos Humanos, con sede en Ginebra , señala que el ejército israelí ha secuestrado a niños palestinos y los ha trasladado fuera de Gaza. Afirma: "Numerosos testimonios que ha recibido el grupo de derechos humanos indican que el ejército israelí detiene y traslada periódicamente a niños palestinos sin revelar su paradero". [200]
Sudáfrica contra Israel (Convención sobre el Genocidio)
En diciembre de 2023, Sudáfrica se convirtió en el primer país en presentar una demanda contra Israel ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia , acusando al Estado de cometer genocidio en Gaza en violación de la Convención sobre el Genocidio . [198] [201] [202] Sudáfrica declaró que "los actos y omisiones de Israel... son de carácter genocida, ya que se cometen con la intención específica requerida... de destruir a los palestinos en Gaza como parte del grupo nacional, racial y étnico palestino más amplio". [201] Las acciones genocidas enumeradas en la demanda incluían el asesinato en masa de palestinos en Gaza, la destrucción de sus hogares, su expulsión y desplazamiento, [h] así como el bloqueo israelí de alimentos, agua y ayuda médica a la región. Además, Sudáfrica señaló la imposición israelí de medidas que impiden los nacimientos palestinos mediante la destrucción de servicios de salud esenciales, vitales para la supervivencia de las mujeres embarazadas y sus bebés. La demanda decía que todas esas acciones tenían "la intención de provocar su destrucción [de los palestinos] como grupo". [198] Sudáfrica también afirma que las declaraciones hechas por funcionarios israelíes, como el Primer Ministro Benjamin Netanyahu , han mostrado una "intención genocida". [198] Varias organizaciones de derechos humanos y otras naciones han apoyado a Sudáfrica en su demanda. [204]
Nicaragua contra Alemania (Convención sobre el Genocidio)
El 1 de marzo de 2024, Nicaragua inició un proceso contra Alemania ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia (CIJ) en virtud, entre otras cosas , de la Convención sobre el Genocidio . Estos procedimientos surgieron a raíz del apoyo de Alemania a Israel en la guerra entre Israel y Hamás . [205] [206] : ¶ 16 [207] Imogen Saunders, de la Universidad Nacional de Australia, escribió que la solicitud de Nicaragua era la "primera... en alegar la contribución al acto de genocidio en lugar de la comisión del acto en sí". [208]
Discurso académico
Según un informe de mayo de 2024 de la Red Universitaria de Derechos Humanos, “las acciones tomadas por el gobierno y el ejército de Israel en Gaza y con respecto a ella tras los ataques de Hamás del 7 de octubre de 2023 constituyen violaciones de las prohibiciones del derecho internacional sobre la comisión de genocidio”. [209] La abogada de derechos humanos Susan Akram, al comentar el informe y la resistencia a etiquetar las acciones de Israel como genocidio, dijo: “La oposición es política, ya que existe consenso entre la comunidad jurídica internacional de derechos humanos, muchos otros expertos legales y políticos, incluidos muchos estudiosos del Holocausto, de que Israel está cometiendo genocidio en Gaza”. [160]
Discurso sobre los acontecimientos previos a 2023
Manifestante pro palestino en Columbus, Ohio , Estados Unidos, 18 de octubre de 2023
En 2010, el profesor de ciencias políticas Martin Shaw sostuvo que la eliminación de la mayoría de la sociedad árabe palestina en Israel en 1948 constituyó un genocidio. [189] [ página necesaria ] Shaw opinó que el alcance del genocidio no se limita a la aniquilación humana, sino que recomienda una "perspectiva histórica internacional" que se centre en los objetivos del genocidio y defina la "violencia genocida" como medidas destructivas generalizadas dirigidas a los civiles. [210] Con la definición ampliada de genocidio, Shaw sostiene que la Nakba de 1948 fue parcialmente genocida con respecto a la sociedad palestina: con "impulsos genocidas específicos desarrollados situacional e incrementalmente, a través de decisiones locales y nacionales... un genocidio parcialmente descentrado y en red, que se desarrolla en interacción con el enemigo palestino y árabe, en el contexto de la guerra". [210] Shaw detalló esto más en 2013, en el contexto de los argumentos de que, dado que un número relativamente bajo de árabes palestinos fueron asesinados en la Nakba en comparación con los expulsados, no podía considerarse un genocidio, donde Shaw se basa en las definiciones de Lemkin de destrucción social como la definición de genocidio, que no necesita la aniquilación de individuos en el grupo, y señala cómo esta es la forma más común de genocidio observada en la literatura. [191] En respuesta al artículo de Shaw de 2010, el psicólogo y estudioso del genocidio Israel Charny detalló cómo creía que las acciones de Israel en la Nakba fueron una limpieza étnica e involucraron masacres genocidas, fue un genocidio en general. [42]
En 2010, al considerar el caso de los palestinos en Gaza, el historiador y sociólogo Uğur Ümit Üngör señaló la naturaleza extremadamente asimétrica del conflicto violento como el elemento central de la dinámica genocida, que encontró presente en la historia de Israel y Palestina. [211]
Los expertos en derechos humanos Haifa Rashed y Damien Short han expresado su creencia de que el concepto original de genocidio de Lemkin puede utilizarse para analizar "las relaciones sociales y políticas históricas y continuas, culturales y físicas, destructivas, implicadas en el conflicto entre Israel y Palestina". [212] En una publicación separada, Rashed, Short y John Docker argumentaron que el conflicto no recibió suficiente atención en el campo de los estudios sobre el genocidio , ya que el "campo académico teme la intimidación sionista y los ataques ad hominem ". [213] El trío planteó el posible argumento del "proyecto sionista en curso como un genocidio estructural colonial de asentamiento contra el pueblo palestino". [213] El trío afirmó: "Las políticas discriminatorias de tierra y planificación" podrían verse desde la perspectiva de un gobierno que reprime los "derechos de las minorías" de los israelíes palestinos, pero esto "no impide que las víctimas individuales experimenten esto como un genocidio". [213] Esta concepción también ha sido apoyada por otros académicos. [48] [214] [215] El historiador Lawrence Davidson , en su libro sobre el genocidio cultural , incluyó un capítulo sobre el conflicto israelí-palestino. [216]
Algunos académicos que apoyan la tesis del genocidio consideran que el trato dispensado por Israel a los palestinos durante el siglo pasado ha oscilado entre políticas represivas y destructivas, y Rosemary Sayigh lo describe como un estado continuo de represión salpicado de "espasmos de violencia genocida". [217] [218]
Michael Sfard , un abogado israelí de derechos humanos que argumentó en nombre de Yesh Din que Israel está cometiendo el crimen de apartheid , dijo en 2021 que la política de Israel contra los palestinos no alcanzaba el umbral de genocidio y que la acusación abarataba el concepto. [219] [220]
La socióloga política Ronit Lentin escribió en 2010 que la Nakba de 1948 no fue un "genocidio", sino una limpieza étnica o "spacicidio". [221] Derek Penslar , profesor de Estudios de Israel en la Universidad de Oxford , opinó en 2013 que los palestinos sufrieron una "limpieza étnica" durante la Nakba, pero "no un genocidio", ya que Penslar dijo que este último "significa que se elimina a un pueblo"; [222] Rashed, Short y Docker escribieron que "Penslar interpreta erróneamente el concepto de genocidio". [223]
Anteriormente, el historiador Ilan Pappé en 2006 y el experto en genocidio Mark Levene en 2007 afirmaron que la Nakba de 1948 fue una "limpieza étnica", sin afirmar que fuera un "genocidio", y Levene afirmó que la investigación de Pappé sobre la Nakba "exige la atención de los lectores e investigadores comprometidos con el tema del genocidio y sus variantes subóptimas", siendo la Nakba "de relevancia continua, tanto como el genocidio armenio". [23] John Docker argumentó en 2010 que, si bien Pappé no etiqueta la Nakba como un genocidio, al revisar la evidencia y la argumentación presentada en el libro de Pappé de 2006 La limpieza étnica de Palestina , se alinea con la conceptualización de genocidio de Lemkin. [224] En 2006 y 2007, Pappé describió las matanzas de palestinos por parte de Israel en Gaza durante 2006 como "genocidio", [78] y en 2009 describió la Guerra de Gaza de 2009 como "genocidio", denunciando que las "operaciones genocidas" están siendo tratadas como "desconectadas de todo lo que sucedió en el pasado y no asociadas con ninguna ideología o sistema". [28] En 2013, Pappé citó un discurso del Primer Ministro de Israel, Shimon Peres, ese año, en el que se decía que no se reconocía la existencia de palestinos en la historia de Israel, lo que para Pappé "es el punto en el que la limpieza étnica se vuelve genocida. Cuando te eliminan del libro de historia y del discurso de los principales políticos". [225]
El politólogo Ian Lustick describió en 2006 la Nakba como "la expulsión de los palestinos de sus hogares y la negativa a permitirles regresar", y afirmó que "fue un desarrollo trágico e injusto y oportunistamente acelerado de la lógica de las circunstancias, no una campaña genocida". [226] Patrick Wolfe , en un artículo de 2006 que analizaba la relación y las diferencias entre el colonialismo de asentamiento y el genocidio, analizó el ejemplo de los palestinos que "lanzaron piedras [a los israelíes] y murieron por sus esfuerzos", y describió además a los palestinos como "cada vez más prescindibles", con Gaza y Cisjordania volviéndose cada vez más como reservas indias o incluso como el gueto de Varsovia . [227] [228]
Hombres árabes tras una alambrada de púas antes de ser expulsados. Ramle, 10 de julio de 1948
Nur Masalha in 2012 argued that the Nakba was both "politicide" ("dissolution of the Palestinian people's existence as a legitimate social, political and economic entity") and "cultural genocide" ("destruction and elimination of the cultural pattern of a group, including language, local traditions, ... monuments, place names, landscape, historical records ... in brief, the shrines of the soul of a nation"), with strategies for "de-Arabisation of the land" including new Hebrew names for places replacing Palestinian names, and planting forests over destroyed Palestinian villages.[229]
Yair Auron in 2017 analyzed the 1948 Nakba using the definition of genocide from the 1948 United Nations Genocide Convention (as any other definition would result in "complete chaos" according to Auron), concluding that "Israel committed ethnic cleansing but not a genocide", thus arguing that the underlying aim of the Nakba was not to kill Palestinians, but to "get rid of them, and in doing so, [the Israelis] commit massacres", noting the expulsion of people from over 400 villages.[189] According to Auron, ethnic cleansing is one of the "elements of genocide", though "not an act of genocide".[189] Auron differentiates massacres in genocides as being "part of the comprehensive plan", while massacres in ethnic cleansing are "localized and usually stem from hatred or vengeance".[189] Auron noted that the claim that the 1948 Nakba was genocide has been increasingly advanced by Palestinians, and is also promoted by some European and North American scholars.[189]
Auron argues that there are four main factors why he did not consider 1948 as a genocide against Palestinians: (1) the Arabs initiated the war, resulting in Israel experiencing "critical existential combat" for several weeks; (2) Israel had no "intention of annihilating" a social group; (3) generally, perpetrators of genocide have at least near-absolute force superiority, which Israel did not have; (4) despite "slurs", there was no "racist ideology" towards Palestinians, exemplified by Israeli groups like Hashomer living similarly to Bedouins.[189]
Bashir Bashir and Amos Goldberg in 2018 described the Nakba as part of "the same modern and global history of genocide and ethnic cleansing" as the Holocaust; although the events differed in "degree of murderousness", they shared a "common global framework of violence created by strong nationalism combined with imperial and colonial ideology and policies", with the Nakba involving the attempt to "de-Arabize and ethnic-cleanse Palestine".[230] Meanwhile, Alon Confino in 2018 contrasted the "genocide" of the Holocaust with the "ethnic cleansing" of the Nakba, describing the latter as aimed at "removing, not annihilating, an ethnic group".[230] Jerome Slater in 2020 described the Nakba as "ethnic cleansing" due to the "forced expulsions" of Palestinians, but also said that "no genocide" occurred due to around 150,000 Palestinians remaining in Israel at the end of the war, who "were allowed to remain there".[47]
Cary Nelson in 2019 stated that the notion of Israel having "engaged in genocide" was "unwarranted slander", and suggested that some people repeat it out of ignorance, just as those who repeated the blood libel about Jews poisoning the wells in Europe did. Nelson further described the accusation of Israel having "genocidal designs on Palestinians" as "false", and the accusation of Israel committing "incremental genocide" in Gaza as "malicious". Nelson described a phenomenon where academics "say publicly that Israel is a settler-colonialist, genocidal, racist, and apartheid state"; Nelson recommends that these allegations should be presented to higher education students "as debatable", instead of being "commonly" presented as facts.[231]
In a 2019 interview, Benny Morris stated that in his view, what happened to Palestinians in 1948 was not a genocide.[232] Morris had written in an earlier 2016 opinion article that the events of 1948 also did not amount to an ethnic cleansing.[233]
Marouf Hasian Jr. in 2020 stated the Nakba exemplified a situation where "empowered decisions-makers are reluctant to call some historical incidents colonial genocides", while "many Palestinian and other Arab writers" have compared the Nakba to "colonial genocides".[234] Hasian describes that some "Israelis worry that al-Nakba consciousness-raising threatens state legitimacy", while "many Israeli supporters" do not consider the Nakba as any form of genocide, instead arguing that there was "spontaneous Arab Palestinian fleeing that was based on calls from neighboring Arab nations".[234] Hasian concludes that "public deliberation, and political events" caused "so many" people to attempt to separate the 1948 Nakba from "the 'real' genocides".[234] Hasian further highlighted how restrictive "Auschwitz-centered, or Lemkin-like ways" of defining genocide was preventing consideration of the Nakba as genocide.[234]
Stephen Sedley, writing in the London Review of Books, discussed a trip organized by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to Hebron to observe the Israeli army's treatment of Palestinian children, and wrote about how one of the first things they saw was graffiti on the door of a deserted Palestinian shop that said "Gas the Arabs". He remarked "Nobody, evidently, has a monopoly of genocidal abuse."[235] Academics, such as Clare Brandabur and Mohammed Nijim, argue for considering not just specific events in the determination of whether Palestinians have been subjected to genocide, but for the totality of their treatment since at least the Nakba.[48][236] In Brandabur's article "Roadmap to Genocide", she argues that the sum of Israel's actions against Palestinians since the Nakba fit the definition of genocide as described by Lemkin in his book "Axis Rule in Occupied Europe".[48][237]
In 2024, Mark Levene labelled the mass destruction of infrastructure under Israel's Dahiya doctrine that had been implemented against Gaza since 2006, as urbicide and a tool of genocide.[238] In a 2024 academic article, historian Yoav Di-Capua charts a history of increasing genocidal ideology among Hardal, building on Kahanist ideology.[239] He identifies Smotrich and Ben-Gvir as politicians who seek the adoption of the ideology of Hardal as national policy,[240] and pointing to an increasing presence of Hardalim among the officers and soldiers of the IDF.[241]
Discourse on post-2023 events
In the context of the 2023 Hamas attack on Israel, the Israeli counterattacks, and the imposed complete blockade, which included the denial of water and food to the civilian population, Israeli historian Raz Segal described it as a "textbook case of genocide" and connected it to the Nakba, the expulsion of Palestinians during the establishment of Israel in 1948.[242] With other academics also detailing Israel's attacks on infrastructure, food, and water as being genocidal in nature,[243][244][122] while others have described these actions as genocidal when Israel previously engaged in them prior to 2023.[245]
Historian Omer Bartov wrote in November 2023 that he believes that "there is no proof that genocide is currently taking place in Gaza", noting the distinctions between ethnic cleansing and genocide. However he called for "stop[ping] Israel from letting its actions become a genocide" and said that "[...] we may be watching an ethnic cleansing operation that could quickly devolve into genocide".[11] In February 2024, Bartov told Anadolu: "There seems to be intentional destruction of housing. There is destruction of places of worship, especially of mosques. There's destruction of universities and schools, which seems to be intentional. They can certainly come under war crimes, it can come under crimes against humanity, and it can come under genocide".
In April 2024, Amos Goldberg, professor of Holocaust History at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, stated in an essay that: "Yes, it is genocide". He said: "It is so difficult and painful to admit it, but despite all that, and despite all our efforts to think otherwise, after six months of brutal war we can no longer avoid this conclusion."[246][i]
Historian Yoav Di-Capua believes that politicians, such as Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, are using the Israel–Hamas war to implement a plan to have the ideology of Hardal adopted as national policy in Israel.[240]
Legal discourse
There has been longstanding legal discourse on whether a case can be made that Israel has violated the Genocide Convention, with American human rights lawyer Francis Boyle, the professor of international law at the University of Illinois College of Law, first suggesting that such a case should be brought to bear in 1998.[249][250][251] Boyle's argument is that Israel has "ruthlessly implemented a systematic and comprehensive military, political, and economic campaign with the intent to destroy in substantial part the national, ethnic, racial and different religious (Muslim & Christian) group" of Palestinians.[252]
The Kuala Lumpur War Crimes Tribunal, a 'citizens' tribunal', in 2013 found Israel guilty of genocide for actions taken over the previous 67 years, agreeing with the prosecution that the "harsh conditions of life were deliberately inflicted to destroy" Palestinians.[196]
The Russell Tribunal on Palestine, a 'people's tribunal', in response to the 2014 Gaza War held an extraordinary session where they determined Israel failed in its duties under the Genocide Convention to punish the direct crime of genocide and incitement to genocide.[253]
On 9 November 2023, three Palestinian civil rights groups filed a lawsuit against Israel with the International Criminal Court.[256] The groups charged Israel with war crimes, apartheid, and genocide, calling for the ICC to issue arrest warrants for significant Israeli officials.[256] On November 13, Defence for Children International, Al-Haq, and Palestinians living in Gaza and the United States, represented by the Center for Constitutional Rights, filed a lawsuit against Joe Biden, Antony Blinken, and Lloyd Austin for failure to prevent genocide, citing Israel's "mass killings," targeting of schools and hospitals, collective punishment, use of chemical weapons, forced expulsion, and blockage of food, water, electricity and other basic needs.[257][258][259] The lawsuit seeks to enact an emergency order to end diplomatic and military aid to Israel for their international crimes.[260][257] On November 22, Euro-Med Monitor urged the United Nations to constitute Israel's actions in Gaza as genocide, investigate crimes against humanity, and take action to prevent any more death or destruction.[261] On December 22, Paula Gaviria Betancur, Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs) warned that Israel's military operation in Gaza aimed to "deport the majority of the civilian population en masse" thus "repeating a long history of mass forced displacement of Palestinians by Israel".[262]
On 29 December 2023, South Africa filed a case with the International Court of Justice accusing Israel of genocidal acts in Gaza.[263] On 28 January 2024, a conference on resettling Gaza was attended by 11 cabinet ministers and 15 coalition members of the Israeli Knesset which, according to the Guardian "'appears to violate the international court of justice ruling last week that Israel must "take all measures within its power" to avoid acts of genocide in its war in Gaza, including the "prevention and punishment of genocidal rhetoric.'"[264]
Political discourse
Both Israel and Palestine frequently accuse the other of planning to commit genocide.[265][266]
In late 2023, various global leaders and officials voiced their perspectives on the Israel-Gaza conflict, with many labeling Israel's actions in Gaza as "genocide." Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian,[267] Pakistani Foreign Minister Jalil Abbas Jilani,[268] the Taliban,[269][270] Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas,[271] Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro,[272] and the Kurdistan Communities Union were among those who condemned Israel's actions.[273][274]Palestinian-American U.S. Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib accused President Biden of supporting this "genocide,"[275] leading to a resolution for censure against her by the Republican caucus, sponsored by Marjorie Taylor Greene.[275] On 4 November, Tlaib released a video in which she directly accused President Biden of supporting "the genocide of the Palestinian people".[276][111]Craig Mokhiber from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights resigned, criticizing the organization for its response to the 2023 Israel–Hamas war.[277][111] A day after Colombia withdrew its ambassador from Israel, President Gustavo Petro posted on X in Spanish: "It's called genocide, they do it to remove the Palestinian people from Gaza and take it over. The head of the state who carries out this genocide is a criminal against humanity. Their allies cannot talk about democracy."[278][279] Leaders from Turkey,[280] Brazil,[281] and Syria also condemned Israel's actions.[282]
Pro-Palestine demonstrator at a subway station in Toronto, Canada, 12 November 2023
The international response continued with various nations expressing strong condemnation. The Honduran ministry of foreign affairs stated "Honduras energetically condemns the genocide and serious violations of international humanitarian law that the civilian Palestinian population is suffering in the Gaza Strip".[283] South Africa recalled its diplomatic mission from Israel and criticized Israel's ambassador for disparaging those "opposing the atrocities and genocide of the Israeli government".[284] South African President Cyril Ramaphosa accused Israel of war crimes and acts "tantamount to genocide" in Gaza.[285] Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Al Sudani and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi labeled the conflict a "genocide."[286] Meanwhile, journalist Ishaan Tharoor highlighted that: "In protests around the world, in the corridors of the United Nations and in the angry chambers of social media, one word is getting louder and louder: genocide." with governments, UN rapporteurs, and scholars echoing this sentiment.[287] The same month Jeremy Corbyn, former leader of the UK Labour Party, called for an International Criminal Court investigation.[288]
UN experts reported that "grave violations" committed by Israeli forces against the Palestinians of Gaza "point to a genocide in the making" and cited evidence including "increasing genocidal incitement, overt intent to 'destroy the Palestinian people under occupation', loud calls for a 'second Nakba' in Gaza and the rest of the occupied Palestinian territory, and the use of powerful weaponry with inherently indiscriminate impacts, resulting in a colossal death toll and destruction of life-sustaining infrastructure."[289]
Contrasting these views, Israel's Ambassador to the Philippines, Ilan Fluss, denied allegations of genocide, asserting Israel's efforts to minimize civilian casualties and target Hamas members.[290]US national security advisorJohn Kirby stated that applying the term "genocide" to Israeli actions was "inappropriate," while emphasizing Hamas' stated intent "What Hamas wants, make no mistake about it, is genocide," explaining "They want to wipe Israel off the map".[291][292]
In February 2024, law professor and United Nations special rapporteur on the right to food, Michael Fakhri, accused the state of Israel of being "culpable" of genocide, as according to Fakhri, firstly "Israel has announced its intention to destroy the Palestinian people, in whole or in part, simply for being Palestinian", and secondly Israel was denying food to Palestinians by halting humanitarian aid and "intentionally" destroying "small-scale fishing vessels, greenhouses and orchards in Gaza […] We have never seen a civilian population made to go so hungry so quickly and so completely, that is the consensus among starvation experts. Israel is not just targeting civilians, it is trying to damn the future of the Palestinian people by harming their children."[293]
Statements of genocidal intent have long been a feature of the Israeli cultural landscape, not least in the chant or slogan of "Death to Arabs" – a regular invocation at far-right Israeli protests and marches, such at the annual march marking "Jerusalem Day".[117][296][297]
In 2023, several high-profile individuals and groups voiced strong opinions on the Israel-Gaza conflict, with some labelling Israel's actions as genocide. Writer Jazmine Hughes left The New York Times Magazine after signing an open letter condemning Israel's actions in Gaza calling them "an attempt to conduct genocide".[298][299] Musician Macklemore expressed his view that the conflict is a genocide at a rally in Washington.[300] Feminist scholars Angela Davis and Zillah Eisenstein, among nearly 150 other signatories, signed an open letter which reads "We will not be silent when the bells of genocide ring. Silence is complicity."[301] Mexican actress Melissa Barrera was reportedly fired from "Scream VII" for social media posts supporting Palestine and labelling Israel's actions as "genocide and ethnic cleansing".[302]
Russian-American author Masha Gessen when asked if what was happening in Gaza was a genocide said, "I think there are some fine distinctions between genocide and ethnic cleansing and I think that there are valid arguments for using both terms".[303] When pressed further they stated, "it is at the very least ethnic cleansing". This was followed soon after controversy surrounding Gessen's reception of the Hannah Arendt Prize over remarks in a New Yorker article critical of Israeli actions in the strip in which Gessen compared them to an Eastern European ghetto "being liquidated" by the Nazis.[304] In December 2023, Olly Alexander, set to represent the United Kingdom in the Eurovision Song Contest 2024,[305] signed a letter by the LGBT association Voices4London accusing Israel of genocide against Palestinians.[306] This stance led to condemnation from the Israeli government and the Campaign Against Antisemitism (CAA), who asked the BBC to disallow Alexander's Eurovision participation. However, the BBC declined Israel's request, choosing not to sever ties with Alexander over his political views.[307]
Rhetoric
From Israeli officials
Protester in Melbourne on October 15, 2023, holding sign invoking the "Shoah" in a call to end Israel's actions against Gaza
Those who have accused Israel of genocide have cited various statements made by Israeli government and military officials as evidence of intent to commit genocide. In particular, statements made during the 2023–24 Gaza War were cited by South Africa in its allegation at the International Court of Justice that Israel has committed genocide against the Palestinian people.
During the 2008–09 Gaza War, Defense MinisterMatan Vilnai stated that "The more Qassam [rocket] fire intensifies and the rockets reach a longer range, they will bring upon themselves a bigger Shoah because we will use all our might to defend ourselves." Colleagues claimed that his statement had not meant 'genocide' but a 'disaster'.[308][309][310]
Academic scholars, such as Mark Levene,[311] Raz Segal, Luigi Daniele,[312] and Shmuel Lederman,[313] alongside news outlets, such as AP News,[314] have highlighted the increasing genocidal rhetoric from Israeli governments and in Israeli discourse,[315] since Benjamin Netanyahu's 2015 prime ministership. They specifically highlight comments from Bezalel Smotrich, Itamar Ben-Gvir, and Ayelet Shaked.[314][315][313]
Since 7 October 2023 a variety of official and semi-official sources and outlets have engaged in rhetoric suggestive of genocidal intent.[316] In a televised speech on 28 October 2023, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israelis were "committed to completely eliminating this evil from the world" and added: "You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember." The quotation refers to Deuteronomy 25:17 in the Hebrew Bible.[317][318][j] The phrase "Remember what Amalek did to you"[k] is used in Holocaust memorials, including Yad Vashem and the Hague Jewish Monument.[319] Critics have characterized Netanyahu's reference to Amalek as alluding to 1 Samuel 15:3.[l] Noah Lanard of Mother Jones describes verses discussing Amalek as among the most violent in the Bible and that they have a long history of being used by Jews on the far-right, such as Baruch Goldstein, to justify killing Palestinians.[320] Amalek was "the foe that God ordered the ancient Israelites to genocide",[111] and scholars have described the verse as an instance of 'divinely mandated genocide'.[257] However, Yair Rosenberg of The Atlantic argues that the verse from Deuteronomy which Netanyahu cites refers to the need to remember an attack against the Jewish people and that connecting Netanyahu's remarks to Samuel is inaccurate, comparing the interpretation to tying the term jihad exclusively with Islamic terrorism.[319] NPR issued a correction to a report to indicate that Netanyahu was quoting from Deuteronomy, rather than Samuel.[321] On 9 October 2023, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant announced that Israel would launch a "complete siege" of Gaza, with plans to cut off electricity, food, water and fuel supplies, saying, "We are fighting human animals and will act accordingly."[322] Gallant's statements have been characterized as expressing genocidal intent towards Palestinians, particularly in the context of calling for collective punishment which would affect Gazan civilians. Some argue that "fighting human animals" only referred to Hamas,[who?] while others argue that the statement was used by Gallant to deny food and supplies to all the people of Gaza.[323][324][325] On 9 April 2024, Israel minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich stated that Israel had "returned Khan Yunis to the stone age".[326]
Other Israeli figures whose statements on the 2023 war have been cited by accusers include Ariel Kallner, a Knesset member for Likud, who said, "Right now, one goal: Nakba. A Nakba that will overshadow the Nakba of 1948",[325] and IDF spokesman Daniel Hagari, who said forces would turn Gaza into a "city of tents" and that Israel's "emphasis is on damage and not on accuracy" in the bombardment of Gaza.[111]Amichay Eliyahu, a cabinet minister, and Tally Gotliv, a Likud parliament member, have both called for Israel to use nuclear weapons on Gaza, with Gotliv stating: "It's time for a doomsday weapon. Not flattening a neighborhood. Crushing and flattening Gaza." Galit Distel-Atbaryan posted on X that Israelis should focus on "Erasing all of Gaza from the face of the earth" and forcing the Gazans either into Egypt or to the death.[111] It was such statements that led to Raz Segal's characterization of Israel's conduct in the 2023 war in Gaza as a "textbook case of genocide", stating to Vox: "If this is not special intent to destroy, I don't know what is."[111]Anshel Pfeffer has argued that Benjamin Netanyahu has tolerated extreme rhetoric from his political allies in order to serve his own personal political interests, writing in Haaretz that "Netanyahu is too scared of losing his base to disavow apocalyptic threats and conspiracy theories spouted by his government."[327] On 23 October 2023, Ramzy Baroud of Arab News compared the rhetoric from Israeli officials with the language used in Rwanda ahead of the Rwandan genocide. He referenced the similarity between the refrain by the Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) in Rwanda that Tutsis "are cockroaches. We will kill you" and a 1983 quote from former Israeli army chief of staff Rafael Eitan that Arabs are like "drugged cockroaches in a bottle".[325]Chris McGreal of The Guardian, who won an Amnesty International Media Award for his reporting of the Rwandan genocide,[328] also described the rhetoric against Palestinians as being "eerily familiar" to the rhetoric used against Tutsis.[329]
On 14 November 2023, Israel's finance minister Bezalel Smotrich stated that he welcomed "the initiative of the voluntary emigration of Gaza Arabs to countries around the world," adding that "the State of Israel will no longer be able to accept the existence of an independent entity in Gaza."[330] Critics, such as Palestinian National Initiative president Mustafa Barghouti, have likened the statement to a call for ethnic cleansing.[331] The Palestinian Authority's Ministry of Foreign affairs accused Israel of engaging in a "genocide" supported by Smotrich.[331] Likud Intelligence MinisterGila Gamliel wrote an op-ed in The Jerusalem Post saying that the international community should promote the "voluntary resettlement" of Palestinians in Gaza to sites around the globe.[332] A survey by Channel 12 showed that 44 percent of the responders said they were in favor of a renewal of Jewish settlement in Gaza.[333]
Protester in Berlin on November 4, 2023, holding a "Stop the Genocide in Gaza" sign
In November 2023, Israel's former justice minister, Ayelet Shaked, spoke of transforming Khan Younis into a soccer field with 'the assistance of God and the IDF'. Shaked said Israel should take 'take advantage of the destruction that we will wreak upon them' in Gaza and pressure countries worldwide into accepting quotas of Gazan refugees, ranging from 20,000 to 50,000 per country.[334] On 22 November 2023, Otzma Yehudit MK Limor Son Har-Melech, said in a conference that "there is no escape from returning and fully controlling the Gaza Strip, full control that will include extensive and flourishing settlement in the entire strip. Not like the Gush Katif settlements that were concentrated in a few isolated areas, but settlement for the entire length and width of the strip."[335]
In December 2023, David Azoulay, the head of the local council of the town of Metula, speaking to Israel's 103FM radio said the people of Gaza should be ordered to "go to the beaches" where the Israeli army would "load them up" on ships and "place them on Lebanon's shores where there are enough refugee camps", that "the entire Gaza Strip should be emptied and levelled flat, just like in Auschwitz. Let it become a museum, showcasing the capabilities of the State of Israel and dissuading anyone from living in the Gaza Strip" and that "we should leave Gaza desolate and destroyed to serve as a museum, demonstrating the madness of the people who lived there". His statements were condemned by the Auschwitz Museum.[336]
From American officials
In the Florida legislature, Democratic Representative Angie Nixon, supporting a ceasefire resolution, highlighted the high death toll of Palestinians questioning how many had to die before a ceasefire was called for,[m]Republican Representative Michelle Salzman replied instantly "All of them". Salzman's remark, perceived as a call for genocide, led to calls for censure or resignation from Nixon and the Florida chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations called for her to be censured or to resign.[338][339] CAIR-Florida Executive Director Imam Abdullah Jaber said in a statement: "This chilling call for genocide by an American lawmaker is the direct result of decades of dehumanization of the Palestinian people by advocates of Israeli apartheid and their eager enablers in government and the media."[340]
In October, Republican Florida governor Ron DeSantis said "If you look at how [people in Gaza] behave, not all of them are Hamas, but they are all anti-Semitic" and called for a "swift and lethal response."[341]
Many have argued that Palestinian plight in the face of genocide is being ignored owing to their race.[342]
Republican US Congressman Max Miller, on Fox News, stated that Palestine is "about to get eviscerated... to turn that into a parking lot." He said there should be "no rules of engagement" during Israel's bombardment of Gaza.[343] Miller also questioned the accuracy of the Gaza Health Ministry's claim that 10,000 people have been killed in Gaza, saying that he believes many of those killed have been "Hamas terrorists", not innocent civilians.[344]
Former Republican Representative Michele Bachmann appearing in December on The Charlie Kirk Show claimed all Palestinians were "clever assassins" and that they should be forcefully relocated to Iran. She received a round of applause from the audience, while Kirk replied that US policies should be more like those of the current Israeli government.[345][346]
Republican U.S. Representative Brian Mast compared all Palestinians to Nazis in November on the House floor.[347] On January 31, 2024, Mast said that Palestinian babies are not innocent civilians but "terrorists" who should be killed, that more infrastructure in Gaza needs to be destroyed, and "It would be better if you kill all the terrorists and kill everyone who are supporters."[348]
Ahmad Abuznaid, the executive director of the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights (USPCR) said that "There is a bipartisan effort to dehumanise the Palestinian people," referring especially to President Joe Biden voicing doubt over the accuracy of the Palestinian death count and attacks on Palestinian American Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib for her criticism of Israel's military offensive.[349]
Responses to the accusation
The accusation of genocide has been largely rejected by Israelis,[78][350] and contested by some scholars. Historian Simon Sebag Montefiore remarked that "Jews are now accused of the very crimes they themselves have suffered. Hence the constant claim of a 'genocide' when no genocide has taken place or been intended" adding that the word genocide "has now been so devalued by its metaphorical abuse that it has become meaningless."[351] Some critics[who?] argue that the charge of Israel committing genocide, whether in Gaza, the West Bank, or Lebanon, is a common assertion made by anti-Zionists, with the aim of demonizing Israel.[29] According to sociologist David Hirsh the accusation of genocide against Israel, whether in Gaza, the West Bank, or Lebanon, is commonly made by anti-Zionists. In 2015, Hirsh wrote that he considers there to be a lack of evidence for genocide in Gaza. Hirsch said that charges of genocide serve to demonize Israel and portray it as uniquely evil and "oversimplify the complex dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict".[29] Hirsh continues that there has never been a genocide of Palestinians, and "Israel does not have gas chambers, concentration camps, or Einsatzgruppen. The total number of casualties on both sides during the conflict is proportionate to the routine murders committed by the Nazi regime every few minutes".[29] Zionist history professor Robert S. Wistrich wrote in 2014 that the genocide accusation is "purely fictional".[352]
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called the genocide accusation against Israel 'meritless'.[353] US Representative Ritchie Torres of the Democratic Party has called the characterisation "blood libel."[354] Conservative American radio talk show host Dennis Prager has said that characterising the conflict as a genocide against the Palestinians is antisemitic.[355]
In May 2024, NYU Langone Health fired Hesen Jabr, a Muslim Palestinian-American nurse, after she called Israel's actions in Gaza "genocide" during an award acceptance speech.[356]
Despite most Israelis rejecting the accusation of genocide, some Israelis and many in the Jewish diaspora – including several Holocaust survivors – have protested against the Israeli government, claiming that such accusations are in fact true.[357][124][358]
Victims
Israeli and Palestinian deaths preceding the Israel–Hamas war in 2023. Most were civilians.[359][360]
Deaths
Ilan Pappé reported in 2008 that since the year 2000 "almost 4,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces, half of them children, and more than 20,000 wounded."[n] According to data from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 6,735 Palestinians had been killed from January 1, 2008, to October 6, 2023.[359][o]
During the ongoing 2023 Israel–Hamas war, which began on 7 October 2023, a Reliefweb report released 18 November 2023, which labels Israel's actions in Gaza as a genocide, reported that 15,271 Palestinians in Gaza had been killed, 32,310 Palestinians had been injured, and an estimated 41,500 were unaccounted for.[370] Multiple news and academic outlets have subsequently reported on updated figures, with at least 20,000 Palestinians having been killed in Gaza, an estimated 70% of whom were women and children.[371][372] Per the Gaza Health Ministry and Government Information Office by 3 January 2024, over 22,300 people had been confirmed dead.[373] About 7,000 people are missing, likely buried under the rubble.[374] Over 52,000 have been wounded.[375][376]
Indirect Palestinian deaths from disease are expected to be much higher due to the intensity of the conflict, destruction of health care infrastructure, lack of food, water, shelter, and safe places for civilians to flee, and reduction in UNRWA funding; 186,000 Palestinians or more may have died as a result of the conflict according to a July 2024 conservative estimate by Rasha Khatib, Martin McKee, and Salim Yusuf published in The Lancet.[377]Michael Spagat criticized their methodology, saying that the projection "lacks a solid foundation and is implausible".[378] Even so, Spagat allowed it was "fair to call attention to the fact that not all of the deaths are going to be direct violent ones" and has called the death toll in Gaza "staggeringly high".[379][378]
Displacement
In 1948, more than 700,000 Palestinians[34] – about half of prewar Mandatory Palestine's Arab population – fled from their homes or were expelled by Zionist militias and, later, the Israeli army[380][381][382] during the 1948 Palestine war.[383]
Since the beginning of the Israel–Hamas war, nearly 2 million people have been displaced within the Gaza Strip.[384][316]
Alleged international complicity
Some commentators have accused Western media and governments of supporting genocide against Palestinians, especially those of the United States of America.[385][386][387] Among other journalists and scholars,[388] the Canada-based sociologist M. Muhannad Ayyash has accused the United States of complicity in the alleged genocide, in this case amidst the Israel–Hamas war in which the United States has provided significant aid to Israel.[389]
Pro-Palestine rally in Austin, Texas, United States, 12 November 2023
On 13 October 2023, journalist Eric Levitz of The Intelligencer argued that governmental administrations of the United States, such as the Biden administration, have given approval to Israeli war crimes against Palestinians in the Israel–Hamas war, and that no military solution can achieve Israel's security goals short of ethnic cleansing and genocide.[388] This sentiment was later supported by Mark Levene applying A. Dirk Moses' analysis that "absolute securitization lends itself to collective targeting of human groups, more precisely civilians, regardless of issues of ethnos or genos."[390] On 19 October 2023, amid the war, lawyers at the Center for Constitutional Rights voiced their belief that Israel's actions were "calculated to destroy the Palestinian population in Gaza", and warned the Biden administration that "U.S. officials… [could] be held responsible for their failure to prevent Israel's unfolding genocide, as well as for their complicity, by encouraging it and materially supporting it."[117] On 1 November 2023, the Defence for Children International accused the United States of complicity with Israel's "crime of genocide."[391] On 4 January 2024, the United States government acknowledged it was not conducting formal assessments of whether Israel was violating international humanitarian law.[392]
In November 2023, president Joe Biden was nicknamed "Genocide Joe" by critics of his support for Israel.[393] National Security Council spokesman John Kirby, described by Israeli media outlet Ynet as "an exceptionally accomplished Israeli advocate",[394] said "Israel's trying to defend itself against a genocidal terrorist threat. So if we're going to start using that word, fine, let's use it appropriately".[393] On 13 November 2023, the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights sued Biden for allegedly failing in his duties, defined under national and international laws, to prevent Israel committing genocide in Gaza in the Israel–Hamas war.[257] The complaint alleged that Israel's "mass killings", targeting of civilian infrastructure and forced expulsions amounted to genocide.[257][395] In a declaration in the lawsuit, genocide scholar William Schabas said that in his view there was a "serious risk of genocide" and that the US was "in breach of its obligation" under the 1948 Genocide Convention and international law.[395][396] In January 2024 a federal judge dismissed the case Defense for Children International-Palestine et al v. Biden et al, saying the Constitution prevents his court from determining foreign policy, which is reserved to the political branches of U.S. government, though he would have preferred to have issued the injunction and urged President Biden to rethink U.S. policy, writing "it is plausible that Israel's conduct amounts to genocide."[397]
In February 2024, the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention stated the Biden Administration was complicit in alleged genocide in Gaza.[398]Ali Harb wrote that the US has continued to arm and fund the Israeli military while it conducts a genocide.[399] In February 2024, following a U.S. veto of a UN ceasefire resolution, Cuban president Miguel Diaz-Canel Bermudez stated, "They are accomplices of this genocide of Israel against Palestine".[400]
In March 2024, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Opposition Leader Peter Dutton, and others were referred to the ICC by Sydney-based firm Birchgrove Legal as accessories to genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, citing the defunding of UNRWA, the provision of military aid, and "unequivocal political support" for Israel's actions during the Israel–Hamas war.[403][404]
^The designation of genocide can also be dependent on the specific event talked about, as an example while Ilan Pappé does not consider the Nakba an act of genocide,[26] he considers Israel's actions against Gaza in the Second Intifada and the 2008–2009 Gaza War, acts of genocide.[27][28]
^Originally published as Genocide - A Modern Crime in the April 1945 issue of Free World magazine
^There has been 1,900,000 internally displaced persons in the Gaza Strip since 7 October 2023[203]
^Originally published in Hebrew in Sikha Mekomit,[247] Goldberg reiterated his view in a July 2024 interview with Elias Feroz in Jacobin.[248]
^"Remember what Amalek did unto thee by the way as ye came forth out of Egypt; how he met thee by the way, and smote the hindmost of thee, all that were enfeebled in thy rear, when thou wast faint and weary; and he feared not God. Therefore it shall be, when the Lord thy God hath given thee rest from all thine enemies round about, in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee for an inheritance to possess it, that thou shalt blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven; thou shalt not forget." (Deuteronomy 25:17–19, Jewish Publication Society of America Version)
^"Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have, and spare them not; but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass." (1 Samuel 15:3, King James Version)
^Around 10,000 Palestinians had been reported dead at the time of the debate.[337]
^Most of these occurred during the Second Intifada where, from 29 September 2000 to 1 January 2005, 3,179[361][362][363]–3,354 [364] Palestinians were killed.
^El-Affendi 2024, p. 1;
Short 2016, p. 10;
Shaw 2013, p. 4;
Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 13–15;
Usher 2006, pp. 10–14, 28–29;
Saldívar 2010, pp. 826–827, 828–829;
Khoury 2018, pp. 117–118;
Nijim 2020, pp. 41–47;
Samudzi 2024, pp. 7–8;
United Nations 2022;
Adhikari et al. 2018, p. 148;
Üngör 2024, pp. 3–4: "or Israeli settler colonial genocide"
^ a bCenter for Constitutional Rights 2016, p. 6.
^Eghbariah 2023; Shaw 2013, pp. 1–7; Nijim 2023, pp. 173–174, 176–177
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^"Corrections: Jan. 24, 2024". The New York Times. 24 January 2024. Archived from the original on 29 January 2024. Gaza won't return to what it was before. There will be no Hamas. We will eliminate everything.
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^~
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Lentin 2010, ch. 2;
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Pappé 2021, pp. 70–71 and 80;
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Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, pp. 10 and 18–19;
Ali 2012, pp. 78–79;
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Khalidi 2020, pp. 75 and 83;
Slater 2020, p. 83;
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Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ...";
Slater 2020, pp. 81 ("about 750,000"), 83 ("over 80 percent"), and 350 ("It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces.");
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Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7, "some 750,000";
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^Sabbagh-Khoury 2023, pp. 36, 44, 163, 169–177, 183, 186–189, 226–236, 241, 247–251, 256, 265;
Sayigh 2023, pp. 281–282;
Manna 2022, pp. 49, 83, 152, 169–170, 174–176, 182, 201, 287 n. 2, 316 n. 26;
Khalidi 2020, pp. 250 n. 4 and 287 n. 58;
Shenhav 2019, p. 49;
Confino 2018, pp. 141–143;
Masalha 2018, p. 185;
Nashef 2018, pp. 95, 143 n. 4, 178–179, and 180 n.8;
Lustick & Berkman 2017, p. 41;
Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 396 n. 6 and 413;
Natour 2016, p. 94;
Fierke 2014, p. 805 n. 17;
Masalha 2012, pp. 16, 135–147;
Lentin 2010, pp. 31, 70, and 84;
Ram 2009, p. 371;
Morris 2008, pp. 154–155, 163, and 281;
Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 89;
Pappé 2006, pp. 91–95, 100, 109, 125, 147, 167–169, 190, 200, 204–211;
Bajec 2024;
Uddin 2023
^Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 101 ("Israeli-sponsored radio messages that were used to 'wage psychological warfare'") and 103 ("Walid Khalidi, who wrote some of the first Palestinian summaries of what happened during the fall of Haifa in 1959, has recently revisited these issues and concluded that the British colluded with the Haganah in ways that made sure that the use of “psychological warfare tactics” would be used in ruthless ways so that the Plan Dalet could be carried out against unarmed civilians who needed to be moved out of these lands.");
Slater 2020, p. 81;
Masalha 2012, pp. 2 and 68, "From the territory occupied by the Israelis in 1948, about 90 per cent of the Palestinians were driven out — many by psychological warfare and/or military pressure and a very large number at gunpoint.";
Lentin 2010, p. 109;
Shlaim 2009, p. 55, "Morris describes the flight of the Palestinians wave after wave, town by town, and village by village. He gives numerous specific examples of psychological warfare, of intimidation, of expulsion by force and of atrocities committed by the armed forces of the infant Jewish state.";
Morris 2008, pp. 160 ("To reinforce this "whispering," or psychological warfare, campaign, Allon's men distributed fliers, advising those who wished to avoid harm to leave "with their women and children."") and 332 ("employing 'psychological warfare by means of flyers and 'treatment' of civilian inhabitants'");
Sa'di 2007, p. 308, "Morris’s (2004a) research confirms what Palestinians have argued all along; he shows definitively that active expulsion by the Jewish forces, the flight of civilians from the battle zones following the attacks of Jewish forces, psychological warfare, and fear of atrocities and random killing by the advancing Jewish forces were the main causes for the Palestinian refugee problem.";
Pappé 2006, pp. 156 ("The UN 'peace' plan had resulted in people being intimidated and terrorised by psychological warfare, heavy shelling of civilian populations, expulsions, seeing relatives being executed, and wives and daughters abused, robbed and in several cases, raped."), 197 ("... from the Chief of Staff, Yigael Yadin: 'Your preparations should include psychological warfare and "treatment" (tipul) of citizens as an integral part of the operation.'"), and 278 n. 27 ("A range of strategies that could only be described as psychological warfare was used by the Jewish forces to terrorize and demoralize the Arab population in a deliberate attempt to provoke a mass exodus. Radio broadcasts in Arabic warned of traitors in the Arabs' midst, describing the Palestinians as having been deserted by their leaders, and accusing Arab militias of committing crimes against Arab civilians. They also spread fears of disease. Another, less subtle, tactic involved the use of loudspeaker trucks. These would be used in the villages and towns to urge the Palestinians to flee before they were all killed, to warn that the Jews were using poison gas and atomic weapons, or to play recorded 'horror sounds' - shrieking and moaning, the wail of sirens, and the clang of fire-alarm bells.");
Morris 2004, pp. 129, 168-169 ("Jewish tactics in the battle were designed to stun and quickly overpower opposition; demoralisation was a primary aim. It was deemed just as important to the outcome as the physical destruction of the Arab units. The mortar barrages and the psychological warfare broadcasts and announcements, and the tactics employed by the infantry companies, advancing from house to house, were all geared to this goal. The orders of Carmeli's 22nd Battalion were 'to kill every [adult male] Arab encountered’ and to set alight with firebombs 'all objectives that can be set alight. I am sending you posters in Arabic; disperse on route.'"), 230, 246, 250, 252, 468 ("He also ordered the launching of 'psychological warfare operations’ and instructed the units 'to deal with the civilian [populations]'. Yadin did not elaborate but presumably the intention was to frighten civilian communities into flight."), 522 (Israel agreed that 'those of the civilian population who may wish to remain in Al Faluja and 'Iraq al Manshiya are to be permitted to do so ...' But within days Israel went back on its word. Southern Front's soldiers mounted a short, sharp, well-orchestrated campaign of low-key violence and psychological warfare designed to intimidate the inhabitants into flight. According to one villager's recollection, the Jews 'created a situation of terror, entered the houses and beat the people with rifle butts'.128 Contemporary United Nations and Quakers documents support this description. The UN Mediator, Ralph Bunche, quoting UN observers on the spot, complained that 'Arab civilians . . . at Al Faluja have been beaten and robbed by Israeli soldiers and . . . there have been some cases of attempted rape'."), and 591 ("If Jewish attack directly and indirectly triggered most of the exodus up to June 1948, a small but significant proportion was due to direct expulsion orders and to psychological warfare ploys ('whispering propaganda') designed to intimidate people into flight.");
Fernández 2023
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^ a bSabbagh-Khoury 2023, pp. 185–186;
Sayigh 2023, p. 282;
Manna 2022, pp. 75-77 ("[p. 75] The Israeli army carried out killings (including massacres), pillaged, and raped in a number of border villages, including Safsaf, Saliha, Jish, Hula, and Sa'sa', on the day the villages were occupied or shortly thereafter."), 202, and 301 nn. 79-81 ("[n. 79] It seems likely that cases of rape during and after the 1948 war were underreported in the historical literature. With time, it becomes more difficult to investigate those events.");
Hasian Jr. 2020, p. 84, "Palestinian researchers, archivists, interviewers, and others who help chronicle these events now have transcontinental allies who collect oral histories that are filled with tales of the rape of women and the killing of innocent children during the involuntary transfers of the 1940s.";
Natour 2016, p. 94;
Khoury 2012, p. 263, "Many stories of massacres, rape, and expulsion are known, and many other stories are still to be revealed: Tantura, Safsaf, Ein al-Zeitun, Sa’sa’, Sha’ab, Kabri, Abou Shousha, Ai'laboun, and so on.";
Masalha 2012, pp. 82–84, "[p. 82] The use of rape and other forms of sexual violence by Jewish forces in 1948 as weapons of war and instruments of ethnic cleansing has yet to be studied. In 1948 the rape of Arab women and girls was not a rare or isolated act committed by individual forces, but rather was used deliberately as an instrument to terrorise the civilian population and push people into fleeing their homes.";
Lentin 2010, p. 31;
Ram 2009, p. 373;
Morris 2008, pp. 406–407, "The Israelis' collective memory of fighters characterized by 'purity of arms' is also undermined by the evidence of rapes committed in conquered towns and villages. About a dozen cases—in Jaffa, Acre, and so on—are reported in the available contemporary documentation and, given Arab diffidence about reporting such incidents and the (understandable) silence of the perpetrators, and IDFA censorship of many documents, more, and perhaps many more, cases probably occurred. Arabs appear to have committed few acts of rape.";
Humphries & Khalili 2007, pp. 209, 211-213 ("[p. 211-212] As Benny Morris writes, the regular and irregular military forces of the Yishuv had employed rape in 'several dozen cases' (Morris 2004a: 592) and the news of the rape, though subsequently silenced by both perpetrators and victims, spread as quickly as the news of massacres, aided by the fear and horror of the Palestinians and the 'whispering campaign' of the Yishuv military commanders ... these rapes were one of the more devastating components of Hagana assaults and perhaps the primary explanation behind the decision of many of the refugees to flee."), and 223-226;
Sa'di 2007, pp. 293 ("On numerous occasions in the execution of Plan D, the Zionist forces expelled people from their towns and villages, committed rape and other acts of violence, massacred civilians, and executed prisoners of war."), 299-300 ("Morris (2004a) reports that there were 'about a dozen' cases of documented rape, often followed by murder. As he notes, 'We have to assume that the dozen cases of rape that were reported . . . are not the whole story. They are just the tip of the iceberg' (Morris, 2004b: 39)."), and 303-304;
Slyomovics 2007, pp. 31 ("Morris documents statistics of a dozen cases of rapes and twenty-four instances of massacres as supporting evidence for a pattern") and 33-38 ("[p. 37] It has been a major achievement by historians of 1948 that the conditions and numbers of actual rape and civilian massacre of the Palestinian population are finally recognized.");
Pappé 2006, pp. 90, 132, 156, 184, 196, and 208-211 ("[p. 209] David Ben-Gurion seems to have been informed about each case and entered them into his diary. Every few days he has a sub-section: 'Rape Cases'.");
Schulz 2003, pp. 28 and 136 ("According to [Kitty] Warnock [Land Before Honor: Palestinian Women in the Occupied Territories, Monthly Review Press 1990], honour was an ingredient in the exodus as fear and concern to save women from being raped was a reason for flight.");
Urquhart 2006
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^Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 101 ("Israeli-sponsored radio messages that were used to 'wage psychological warfare'") and 103 ("Walid Khalidi, who wrote some of the first Palestinian summaries of what happened during the fall of Haifa in 1959, has recently revisited these issues and concluded that the British colluded with the Haganah in ways that made sure that the use of “psychological warfare tactics” would be used in ruthless ways so that the Plan Dalet could be carried out against unarmed civilians who needed to be moved out of these lands.");
Slater 2020, p. 81;
Masalha 2012, pp. 2 and 68, "From the territory occupied by the Israelis in 1948, about 90 per cent of the Palestinians were driven out — many by psychological warfare and/or military pressure and a very large number at gunpoint.";
Lentin 2010, p. 109;
Shlaim 2009, p. 55, "Morris describes the flight of the Palestinians wave after wave, town by town, and village by village. He gives numerous specific examples of psychological warfare, of intimidation, of expulsion by force and of atrocities committed by the armed forces of the infant Jewish state.";
Morris 2008, pp. 160 ("To reinforce this "whispering," or psychological warfare, campaign, Allon's men distributed fliers, advising those who wished to avoid harm to leave "with their women and children."") and 332 ("employing 'psychological warfare by means of flyers and 'treatment' of civilian inhabitants'");
Sa'di 2007, p. 308, "Morris’s (2004a) research confirms what Palestinians have argued all along; he shows definitively that active expulsion by the Jewish forces, the flight of civilians from the battle zones following the attacks of Jewish forces, psychological warfare, and fear of atrocities and random killing by the advancing Jewish forces were the main causes for the Palestinian refugee problem.";
Pappé 2006, pp. 156 ("The UN 'peace' plan had resulted in people being intimidated and terrorised by psychological warfare, heavy shelling of civilian populations, expulsions, seeing relatives being executed, and wives and daughters abused, robbed and in several cases, raped."), 197 ("... from the Chief of Staff, Yigael Yadin: 'Your preparations should include psychological warfare and "treatment" (tipul) of citizens as an integral part of the operation.'"), and 278 n. 27 ("A range of strategies that could only be described as psychological warfare was used by the Jewish forces to terrorize and demoralize the Arab population in a deliberate attempt to provoke a mass exodus. Radio broadcasts in Arabic warned of traitors in the Arabs' midst, describing the Palestinians as having been deserted by their leaders, and accusing Arab militias of committing crimes against Arab civilians. They also spread fears of disease. Another, less subtle, tactic involved the use of loudspeaker trucks. These would be used in the villages and towns to urge the Palestinians to flee before they were all killed, to warn that the Jews were using poison gas and atomic weapons, or to play recorded 'horror sounds' - shrieking and moaning, the wail of sirens, and the clang of fire-alarm bells.");
Morris 2004, pp. 129, 168-169 ("Jewish tactics in the battle were designed to stun and quickly overpower opposition; demoralisation was a primary aim. It was deemed just as important to the outcome as the physical destruction of the Arab units. The mortar barrages and the psychological warfare broadcasts and announcements, and the tactics employed by the infantry companies, advancing from house to house, were all geared to this goal. The orders of Carmeli's 22nd Battalion were 'to kill every [adult male] Arab encountered’ and to set alight with firebombs 'all objectives that can be set alight. I am sending you posters in Arabic; disperse on route.'"), 230, 246, 250, 252, 468 ("He also ordered the launching of 'psychological warfare operations’ and instructed the units 'to deal with the civilian [populations]'. Yadin did not elaborate but presumably the intention was to frighten civilian communities into flight."), 522 (Israel agreed that 'those of the civilian population who may wish to remain in Al Faluja and 'Iraq al Manshiya are to be permitted to do so ...' But within days Israel went back on its word. Southern Front's soldiers mounted a short, sharp, well-orchestrated campaign of low-key violence and psychological warfare designed to intimidate the inhabitants into flight. According to one villager's recollection, the Jews 'created a situation of terror, entered the houses and beat the people with rifle butts'.128 Contemporary United Nations and Quakers documents support this description. The UN Mediator, Ralph Bunche, quoting UN observers on the spot, complained that 'Arab civilians . . . at Al Faluja have been beaten and robbed by Israeli soldiers and . . . there have been some cases of attempted rape'."), and 591 ("If Jewish attack directly and indirectly triggered most of the exodus up to June 1948, a small but significant proportion was due to direct expulsion orders and to psychological warfare ploys ('whispering propaganda') designed to intimidate people into flight.");
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Further reading
Abdo, Nahla (2024). "Israel's settler colonialism and the genocide in Gaza: Alternatives". Studies in Political Economy. 105 (1): 94–106. doi:10.1080/07078552.2024.2325298.
BADIL (2015). "Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2013-2015". Archived from the original on 15 June 2023.
Boyle, F. (2013). "The Palestinian Genocide by Israel". SSRN 2339254.
Cohen, Hillel (2017). "The First Israeli Government (1948–1950) and the Arab Citizens: Equality in Discourse, Exclusion in Practice". In Rouhana, Nadim N.; Huneidi, Sahar S. (eds.). Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–102. ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8. Retrieved 30 December 2023.
Eid, Haidar (24 June 2022). "Fifteen years of Gaza blockade: Open the doors of our prison now". Al Jazeera. Archived from the original on 5 August 2022.
Fisk, B. N. (2019). "Canaanite genocide and Palestinian Nakba in conversation: A postcolonial exercise in bi-directional hermeneutics". Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies. 18 (1): 21–49. doi:10.3366/hlps.2019.0201. S2CID 166623101.
Hacker, Emily (2020). "Genocide and Public Health in Palestine". Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World. Springer International Publishing. pp. 1–39. ISBN 978-3-319-74365-3.
Jamshidi, Maryam (6 May 2024). "Genocide and Resistance in Palestine under Law's Shadow". Journal of Genocide Research: 1–35. doi:10.1080/14623528.2024.2348377.
Knopf-Newman, Marcy Jane (21 November 2011). The Politics of Teaching Palestine to Americans: Addressing Pedagogical Strategies. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-00220-4. Retrieved 6 November 2023.
Litvin, Yoav (21 December 2023). "The anatomy of Zionist genocide". Al Jazeera. Archived from the original on 24 February 2024.
Masalha, Nur (2003). The Politics of Denial: Israel and the Palestinian Refugee Problem. Pluto Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt18dztmq. ISBN 978-0-7453-2120-2. JSTOR j.ctt18dztmq. Archived from the original on 19 December 2023. Retrieved 17 January 2024.
Pappé, Ilan (1 May 2020). "An Indicative Archive: Salvaging Nakba Documents". Journal of Palestine Studies. 49 (3): 22–40. doi:10.1525/jps.2020.49.3.22. ISSN 0377-919X. S2CID 225941252. Archived from the original on 16 December 2023.
Perugini, Nicola; Gordon, Neve (9 April 2024). "Medical Lawfare: The Nakba and Israel's Attacks on Palestinian Healthcare". Journal of Palestine Studies. 53: 68–91. doi:10.1080/0377919X.2024.2330366. ISSN 0377-919X.
Sultany, Nimer (9 May 2024). "A Threshold Crossed: On Genocidal Intent and the Duty to Prevent Genocide in Palestine". Journal of Genocide Research: 1–26. doi:10.1080/14623528.2024.2351261.
"Palestine refugees". UNRWA. Archived from the original on 18 May 2023. Retrieved 11 November 2020.
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Fassin, Didier (5 February 2024). "The Rhetoric of Denial: Contribution to an Archive of the Debate about Mass Violence in Gaza". Journal of Genocide Research: 1–7. doi:10.1080/14623528.2024.2308941.
McDoom, Omar Shahabudin (25 April 2024). "Expert Commentary, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, and the Question of Genocide: Prosemitic Bias within a Scholarly Community?". Journal of Genocide Research: 1–9. doi:10.1080/14623528.2024.2346403.
Tanielian, Melanie S. (5 February 2024). "The Silent Slow Killer of Famine: Humanitarian Management and Permanent Security". Journal of Genocide Research: 1–9. doi:10.1080/14623528.2024.2310866.
Whyte, Jessica (17 April 2024). "A "Tragic Humanitarian Crisis": Israel's Weaponization of Starvation and the Question of Intent". Journal of Genocide Research: 1–15. doi:10.1080/14623528.2024.2339637.
Palestina. Anatomía de un genocidio (2024) Faride Zerán; Rodrigo Karmy; Paulo Slachevsky (Editores) ISBN: 9789560018205
External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Palestinian genocide accusation.
"UN panel discussion: 2023 War on Gaza: The Responsibility to Prevent Genocide". United Nations. 12 December 2023.
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