Bayinnaung Kyawhtin Nawrahta [nota 1] (16 de enero de 1516 - 10 de octubre de 1581) fue rey de la dinastía Toungoo de Birmania desde 1550 hasta 1581. Durante su reinado de 31 años, que ha sido llamado la "mayor explosión de energía humana jamás vista en Birmania", Bayinnaung reunió el imperio más grande en la historia del sudeste asiático , [1] que incluía gran parte de la actual Myanmar, los estados chinos Shan , Lan Na , Lan Xang , Manipur y Siam . [2]
Aunque se le recuerda más por la construcción de su imperio, el mayor legado de Bayinnaung fue su integración de los estados shan en los reinos basados en el valle del Irrawaddy . Después de la conquista de los estados shan en 1557-1563, el rey puso en marcha un sistema administrativo que redujo el poder de los saophas hereditarios shan y alineó las costumbres shan con las normas de las tierras bajas. Eliminó la amenaza de las incursiones shan en la Alta Birmania , una preocupación que pesaba desde finales del siglo XIII. Su política shan fue seguida por los reyes birmanos hasta la caída final del reino ante los británicos en 1885. [3]
Sin embargo, Bayinnaung no pudo reproducir esta política administrativa en todas partes de su vasto imperio, que estaba formado por un conjunto de reinos que habían sido soberanos y cuyos reyes eran leales a él, en su calidad de Cakkavatti ("Gobernante Universal"), y no al propio reino de Toungoo. De hecho, Ava y Siam se rebelaron poco más de dos años después de su muerte. En 1599, todos los estados vasallos se habían rebelado y el imperio de Toungoo se derrumbó por completo.
Bayinnaung es considerado uno de los tres reyes más importantes de Birmania , junto con Anawrahta y Alaungpaya . Algunos de los lugares más destacados de la actual Birmania llevan su nombre. También es conocido en Tailandia como Phra Chao Chana Sip Thit (พระเจ้าชนะสิบทิศ, "Conquistador de las Diez Direcciones").
El futuro rey Bayinnaung nació con el nombre de Ye Htut (ရဲထွတ်, IPA: [jɛ́ tʰʊʔ] ) el 16 de enero de 1516, hijo de Mingyi Swe y Shin Myo Myat . Su ascendencia exacta no está clara. Ningún registro contemporáneo existente, incluido Hanthawaddy Hsinbyushin Ayedawbon , la extensa crónica del reinado del rey escrita dos años antes de su muerte, menciona su ascendencia. [4] Fue recién en 1724, unos 143 años después de la muerte del rey, que Maha Yazawin , la crónica oficial de la dinastía Taungoo, proclamó por primera vez su genealogía.
Según Maha Yazawin , nació en una familia de la nobleza en Toungoo (Taungoo), entonces un antiguo estado vasallo del Reino de Ava . Descendía de los virreyes de Toungoo Tarabya (r. 1440-1446) y Minkhaung I (r. 1446-1451) por el lado de su padre; y del rey Thihathu de Pinya (r. 1310-1325) y su reina principal Mi Saw U de la dinastía pagana por el lado de su madre. [5] Además, Ye Htut estaba lejanamente emparentado con el entonces gobernante presidente de Toungoo Mingyi Nyo y su hijo Tabinshwehti a través de su antepasado común, Tarabya I de Pakhan . [nota 2] Las crónicas posteriores simplemente repiten el relato de Maha Yazawin . [4] En total, las crónicas (quizás demasiado) vinculan claramente su ascendencia con todas las dinastías principales anteriores que existieron en la Alta Birmania: las dinastías Ava , Sagaing , Myinsaing - Pinya y Pagan .
A pesar de la versión oficial de su descendencia real, las tradiciones orales hablan de una genealogía decididamente menos grandiosa: que sus padres eran plebeyos de Ngathayauk en el distrito de Pagan o de la aldea de Htihlaing en el distrito de Toungoo , y que su padre era un trepador de palmeras toddy , entonces una de las profesiones más bajas en la sociedad birmana. [4] La narrativa del origen plebeyo ganó prominencia por primera vez a principios del siglo XX durante el período colonial británico , cuando escritores nacionalistas como Po Kya la promovieron como prueba de que incluso un hijo de un trepador de palmeras toddy podía llegar a convertirse en el gran emperador de la sociedad birmana. [6] Sin duda, la crónica y las tradiciones orales no tienen por qué ser mutuamente excluyentes, ya que ser un trepador de palmeras toddy no impide que tenga antepasados reales. [nota 3]
Cualquiera que haya sido su origen y posición en la vida, sus padres fueron elegidos para formar parte del personal de siete personas que cuidaría al bebé real Tabinshwehti en abril de 1516. La madre de Ye Htut fue elegida para ser la nodriza del príncipe y heredera aparente. La familia se mudó al recinto del Palacio Toungoo, donde la pareja tuvo tres hijos más, el último de los cuales murió joven. Ye Htut tenía una hermana mayor, Khin Hpone Soe , y tres hermanos menores: Minye Sithu , Thado Dhamma Yaza II y el más joven, que murió joven. También tenía dos medios hermanos, Minkhaung II y Thado Minsaw , que nacieron de su tía (la hermana menor de su madre) y su padre. [7]
Ye Htut creció jugando con el príncipe y los otros hijos del rey, incluida la princesa Thakin Gyi , que más tarde se convertiría en su reina principal. Fue educado en el palacio junto con el príncipe y los otros niños. El rey Mingyi Nyo exigió que su hijo recibiera una educación en artes militares. Tabinshwehti, junto con Ye Htut y otros jóvenes del palacio, recibieron entrenamiento en artes marciales, equitación, paseos en elefante y estrategia militar. [8] Ye Htut se convirtió en la mano derecha del príncipe. [9]
El 24 de noviembre de 1530, Mingyi Nyo murió y Tabinshwehti ascendió al trono. [10] El nuevo rey, de 14 años, tomó a la hermana mayor de Ye Htut, Khin Hpone Soe, como una de sus dos reinas principales, y recompensó a su personal de la infancia y amigos con títulos y posiciones reales. Ye Htut, ya un confidente cercano del nuevo rey, instantáneamente se convirtió en una figura poderosa en el reino que estaba rodeado de estados cada vez más hostiles. [11] En el norte, la Confederación de Estados Shan había conquistado el Reino Ava solo tres años y medio antes. Al oeste estaba el aliado de la Confederación, el Reino Prome . Al sur se encontraba el Reino Hanthawaddy , el más rico y poderoso de todos los reinos post- paganos . La amenaza inminente se volvió más urgente después de que la Confederación derrotara a su antiguo aliado Prome en 1532-1533. Tabinshwehti y los líderes de Toungoo concluyeron que su reino "tenía que actuar rápidamente si quería evitar ser absorbido" por la Confederación. [12]
Fue durante las movilizaciones del reino que Ye Htut dejó su marca y se hizo notar por "sus actos de valor y fuerza de carácter". [13] Ye Htut estuvo al lado del rey en 1532 cuando el rey y sus 500 jinetes más hábiles hicieron una incursión no invitada en la pagoda Shwemawdaw en las afueras de Pegu , la capital de Hanthawaddy, aparentemente para la ceremonia de perforación de orejas del rey. La audaz intrusión quedó impune por el débil gobernante de Hanthawaddy, el rey Takayutpi . Ye Htut se convirtió en el compañero y consejero constante del joven rey. [13]
Sin embargo, la estrecha relación entre los dos se puso a prueba severamente en 1534, mientras se preparaban para la guerra contra Hanthawaddy. Ye Htut se había involucrado románticamente con Thakin Gyi , la media hermana menor del rey, y el asunto se descubrió alrededor de abril de 1534. [nota 4] La relación del plebeyo con la hermana del rey constituía un acto de traición según la ley birmana. Ye Htut rechazó las sugerencias de motín y se sometió a ser arrestado. Tabinshwehti deliberó largamente con sus ministros y finalmente llegó a la conclusión de que a Ye Htut se le debía dar a su hermana en matrimonio y un título principesco de Kyawhtin Nawrahta . Con esta decisión, Tabinshwehti se ganó la lealtad de su cuñado "sin paralelo en la historia birmana". [14]
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La decisión de Tabinshwehti rendiría enormes dividendos en los años siguientes. Entre 1534 y 1549, Toungoo llevaría la guerra a todos sus vecinos y en el proceso fundaría el mayor sistema político de Birmania desde la caída de Pagan en 1287. Ye Htut ganaría muchas batallas clave para su rey y ayudaría a administrar el creciente reino. [14]
A fines de 1534, Toungoo atacó Hanthawaddy, el reino más grande y rico pero desunido que se encontraba al sur. La táctica de Toungoo era salir de su estrecho reino sin salida al mar antes de que la atención de la Confederación se centrara en el último bastión que quedaba en la Alta Birmania. Si bien Toungoo aún no tenía armas de fuego extranjeras, debido a que recibía un flujo constante de refugiados de otras partes de la Alta Birmania durante las últimas tres décadas, Toungoo tenía más mano de obra de la que normalmente podría haber reclutado. [15]
Sin embargo, Tabinshwehti y Ye Htut (ahora llamados Kyawhtin Nawrahta) no tuvieron éxito. Sus primeras campañas anuales durante la estación seca (1534-1537) fracasaron contra las defensas bien armadas y fuertemente fortificadas de Pegu. Pero su desempeño mejoró con cada campaña sucesiva, penetrando cada vez más profundamente en el territorio de Hanthawaddy. Finalmente, lograron abrirse paso en su campaña de 1538-1539 y capturaron Pegu. Kyawhtin Nawrahta se hizo famoso en la batalla de Naungyo , en la que sus fuerzas ligeras derrotaron decisivamente a las fuerzas numéricamente superiores de Hanthawaddy en el delta del Irrawaddy. La batalla, una de las más famosas en la historia militar birmana , ha sido llamada "el primer toque característico" del gran Bayinnaung. [16] Después de la batalla, un agradecido Tabinshwehti le otorgó a su cuñado el título de Bayinnaung ("Hermano Mayor del Rey"), el nombre con el que sería recordado. [17]
Toungoo conquistó todo Hanthawaddy a mediados de 1541, consiguiendo el control total de la mano de obra de la Baja Birmania, acceso a armas de fuego extranjeras y riqueza marítima para pagarlas. Y Tabinshwehti utilizaría estos nuevos activos para futuras expansiones. [16] Al incorporar mercenarios portugueses, armas de fuego y tácticas militares a las fuerzas armadas de Toungoo, Tabinshwehti y Bayinnaung continuaron creciendo como líderes militares. El dúo también se benefició de tener experimentados ex comandantes militares de Hanthawaddy como Saw Lagun Ein y Smim Payu sirvieron como sus principales asesores militares y generales. Con su ayuda, Bayinnaung logró victorias decisivas clave en la Batalla del Paso de Padaung (1542) contra el aliado de Prome, Arakan [18] y la Batalla de Salin (1544) contra la Confederación, lo que permitió a Toungoo apoderarse de Birmania central hasta el norte de Pagan (Bagan). [19] Después de que Bayinnaung aplastara a las fuerzas arakanesas en abril de 1542, Tabinshwehti estaba tan satisfecho con la victoria que nombró a Bayinnaung heredero aparente del reino. [20]
Sin embargo, las campañas posteriores del dúo contra Arakan (1545-1547) y Siam (1547-1549) no fueron suficientes. En ambas campañas, las fuerzas de Toungoo ganaron todas las batallas abiertas importantes y prosiguieron con el sitio de las capitales, Mrauk-U y Ayutthaya respectivamente. Pero aún no tenían respuesta a las defensas fuertemente fortificadas equipadas con armas de fuego portuguesas, y tuvieron que retirarse en ambas ocasiones. [21] El cañón suministrado por los portugueses a Toungoo tuvo poco impacto en los muros de ambas capitales. Tampoco tenían suficiente mano de obra (19.000 y 12.000 tropas respectivamente en las campañas de Arakan y Siam) [22] para asedios de largo plazo. Sin embargo, a pesar de los reveses, en 1549 Tabinshwehti y Bayinnaung habían construido el sistema político más grande de Birmania desde la caída del Imperio Pagano en 1287, que se extendía desde Pagan en el norte hasta Tavoy en el sur.
Bayinnaung también recibió la misión de administrar el reino. Tabinshwehti lo nombró ministro principal en 1539. [23] En el modelo administrativo que prevalecía en ese momento, el papel del primer ministro se limitaba a gestionar y coordinar a los tributarios semiindependientes, los virreyes autónomos y los gobernadores que realmente tenían el control sobre la administración diaria y la mano de obra. [24] El rey nombró gobernantes locales de confianza como Smim Payu y Saw Lagun Ein para que ayudaran a Bayinnaung con la administración central. [25]
En 1549, Tabinshwehti, que había desarrollado un gusto por el vino, renunció a todas las tareas administrativas en favor de Bayinnaung y pasó gran parte de su tiempo en largos viajes de caza lejos de la capital. Preocupados por el comportamiento errático del rey, los ministros de la corte instaron a Bayinnaung a tomar el trono, pero él se negó, diciendo que intentaría "recuperar al rey a su antiguo sentido del deber hacia su propio reino". [26] No tuvo éxito. Incluso cuando se enfrentó a una rebelión grave por parte de Smim Htaw , el rey le pidió a Bayinnaung en enero de 1550 que reprimiera la rebelión y emprendió otro viaje de caza de meses de duración. [27]
El 30 de abril de 1550, Tabinshwehti fue asesinado por sus propios guardaespaldas por orden de Smim Sawhtut , uno de los consejeros cercanos del rey. [28] Smim Sawhtut se autoproclamó rey, como era natural, pero también lo hicieron todos los demás gobernadores y virreyes importantes, incluido el hermano de Bayinnaung, Minkhaung II . Aunque Bayinnaung había sido el heredero aparente elegido por Tabinshwehti desde 1542, ninguno de ellos reconoció a Bayinnaung como el sucesor legítimo. [29] Cuando Bayinnaung recibió la noticia del asesinato, estaba en Dala (actual Yangon) persiguiendo a las fuerzas rebeldes de Smim Htaw. El Imperio Toungoo, que había ayudado a fundar y expandir durante los últimos 16 años, estaba en ruinas. Él, como señaló un historiador de la era colonial, era "un rey sin reino". [30]
Bayinnaung tuvo que reconstruir el reino de nuevo. En Dala, con pocas tropas pero fieles, planeó sus próximos movimientos. [30] Sus dos hermanos menores, Minye Sithu y Thado Dhamma Yaza II , estaban con él y permanecieron leales. [31] También estaba a su servicio un comandante de la etnia Mon llamado Binnya Dala [32] que se convertiría en su consejero de mayor confianza y su "mejor comandante". [33] Como todavía no tenía mercenarios extranjeros que pudieran manejar armas de fuego, mandó llamar a su mercenario portugués favorito, Diogo Soares de Mello, que lo había impresionado mucho en la campaña de Siam . Soares, que estaba en el extranjero, regresó con sus hombres (los 39), y fue recibido calurosamente por Bayinnaung. [29] [30]
Dos meses después del asesinato, Bayinnaung estaba listo para iniciar el proyecto de restauración. Se enfrentó a los siguientes adversarios: [34]
Después de muchas deliberaciones, Bayinnaung y sus consejeros decidieron que su guerra de restauración comenzaría en Toungoo, el hogar original de la dinastía. [29] Era una apuesta calculada, ya que tendrían que pasar por el corazón del territorio controlado por Pegu. Pero decidieron correr el riesgo porque sentían que Bayinnaung encontraría el mejor apoyo en su natal Toungoo, en lugar de en lo profundo del país Mon en el que se encontraban. [35]
A finales de junio, Bayinnaung y su pequeña pero cohesionada unidad de combatientes abandonaron Dala rumbo a Toungoo. Marcharon hacia el norte hasta Hinthada y luego cruzaron al lado oriental de Bago Yoma , al norte de Pegu. Smim Sawhtut , ahora "rey" de Pegu, salió con su ejército para detenerlos. Bayinnaung, como cuentan las crónicas, no prestó "más atención que un león a los chacales" y siguió marchando. Al descubrir que el objetivo de Bayinnaung no era Pegu, Sawhtut no los enfrentó. Bayinnaung instaló un campamento en Zeyawaddy ( ဇေယျဝတီ ), a 50 km (31 millas) de Toungoo. [30] Una vez allí, Bayinnaung recibió a muchos de los ministros y soldados de la antigua corte de Tabinshwehti, que huyeron de Pegu y Martaban. Los recién llegados eran de todos los orígenes étnicos: birmanos, shans y mons, lo que demuestra que en la Birmania del siglo XVI "las estructuras verticales de patrón-cliente a menudo prevalecían sobre las horizontales, incluso aquellas tan fuertes como la identidad étnica y las culturas". [29]
A finales de agosto, había reunido una fuerza de combate importante (9600 hombres, 200 caballos, 20 elefantes, 200 barcos de guerra). [36] Sus fuerzas terrestres y navales comenzaron el ataque el 2 de septiembre de 1550, [nota 5] y sitiaron la ciudad. Minkhaung resistió durante cuatro meses, pero finalmente se rindió el 11 de enero de 1551. [37] Sorprendentemente, Bayinnaung perdonó a su hermano. El mismo día, fue coronado rey en el palacio temporal. Recompensó a sus hombres con títulos y posiciones mejoradas. Su hijo mayor, Nanda, fue nombrado heredero aparente. [38]
El comando Toungoo seleccionó Prome como su próximo objetivo. [38] En marzo de 1551, [nota 6] el ejército de Bayinnaung (9000 tropas, 300 caballos, 25 elefantes) atacó la ciudad. Pero el fuego de mosquetes y artillería de la ciudad los mantuvo a raya durante más de tres meses. Se retiró el 19 de junio de 1551, [nota 7] y se reagrupó con hombres del centro de Birmania (hasta Myede y Sagu) cuyos gobernantes ahora se sometieron al nuevo poder en ascenso. Otro ejército de 9000 hombres reanudó el asedio el 21 de agosto de 1551, [nota 8] y tomó la ciudad el 30 de agosto de 1551. Bayinnaung ordenó la ejecución del gobernante de Prome Thado Dhamma Yaza I, pero lamentó la decisión inmediatamente después. [39] Nombró a su segundo hermano menor mayor como virrey de Prome con el tratamiento de Thado Dhamma Yaza II . [39]
Bayinnaung procedió entonces a completar la conquista del extremo norte de Birmania central hasta Pagan (Bagan) a mediados de septiembre de 1551. Nombró a su tío Min Sithu gobernador. [40] Luego marchó a Ava, con la esperanza de sacar ventaja de la guerra civil entre el rey Mobye Narapati y Sithu Kyawhtin , gobernador de Sagaing . Pero se vio obligado a retirarse rápidamente cuando las fuerzas de Pegu marcharon hacia Toungoo. [39]
Las fuerzas de Pegu se retiraron de su territorio, pero Bayinnaung decidió que Pegu debía ser eliminado primero. Mientras tanto, Mobye Narapati, que había sido expulsado de Ava, se unió a Bayinnaung. [39] Después de cinco meses de preparación, el ejército de Bayinnaung (11.000 hombres, 500 caballos, 40 elefantes) partió de Toungoo hacia Pegu el 28 de febrero de 1552 y llegó a la ciudad el 12 de marzo de 1552. [nota 9] Smim Htaw, que había tomado el control de Pegu en agosto de 1550, salió y desafió a Bayinnaung a un combate singular, que Bayinnaung aceptó. Los dos hombres en sus respectivos elefantes de guerra lucharon. Bayinnaung salió victorioso, expulsando a Htaw y su elefante del campo. Los hombres de Htaw huyeron siguiendo a su líder. [41]
Htaw y su pequeño ejército se retiraron al delta del Irrawaddy. Los ejércitos de Toungoo siguieron su ejemplo y tomaron las ciudades del este del delta a finales de marzo. [42] El ejército de Htaw recuperó brevemente Dala en un atrevido ataque, pero finalmente fue derrotado cerca de Bassein (Pathein) a mediados de mayo. Todo su ejército, incluida su reina jefa y su suegro, fue capturado. [43] Htaw escapó a duras penas. Se mantuvo prófugo hasta que fue capturado y ejecutado en marzo de 1553. A mediados de 1552, Bayinnaung había obtenido el control de las tres regiones de habla mon (Bassein, Pegu y Martaban). Nombró a su hermano menor, Minye Sithu , virrey de Martaban el 6 de junio de 1552. [44]
Dos años después de la muerte de Tabinshwehti, Bayinnaung había restaurado el imperio del difunto rey. Pero consideró que su trabajo estaba inacabado debido a que Siam, según él, había sido negligente al no enviarle tributo a él, el legítimo sucesor de Tabinshwehti. Consideró seriamente la posibilidad de invadir Siam, pero sus asesores, encabezados por Binnya Law, gobernador de Bassein, recomendaron que atacara Ava en su lugar. Siguiendo su consejo, el rey envió 14.000 fuerzas terrestres y navales combinadas lideradas por su heredero aparente Nanda el 14 de junio de 1553. [45] Pero el nuevo rey de Ava, Sithu Kyawhtin (de la Casa de Mohnyin), estaba listo. Había alistado tropas de cinco estados aliados de Shan (Mohnyin, Mogaung, Momeit, Onbaung y Bhamo) y de sus propios estados vasallos en todo el valle de Mu y los distritos de Kyaukse . Alineado contra defensas abrumadoras, Nanda canceló la invasión. [46]
Bayinnaung decidió consolidar sus logros. Encargó un nuevo palacio, llamado Kanbawzathadi , en su capital, Pegu, el 17 de noviembre de 1553. [47] El 12 de enero de 1554, [48] fue coronado formalmente rey con el nombre de reinado de Thiri Thudhamma Yaza ( သီရိ သုဓမ္မ ရာဇာ ). Su reina principal, Thakin Gyi, fue coronada con el nombre de reinado de Agga Mahethi ( အဂ္ဂ မဟေသီ ). [46]
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La reconquista de la Baja Birmania le dio el control total del acceso, muy necesario, a las armas de fuego extranjeras y a la riqueza marítima para pagarlas. En las dos décadas siguientes, utilizaría estos activos para nuevas expansiones y, al amasar mano de obra y recursos de las tierras recién conquistadas, fundaría el imperio más grande en la historia del sudeste asiático. [nota 10]
A finales de 1554, Bayinnaung había reunido una gran fuerza de invasión (18.000 hombres, 900 caballos, 80 elefantes, 140 barcos de guerra), la mayor movilización hasta la fecha. Se tomaron precauciones en las fronteras para protegerse de los ataques de Lan Na, Siam y Arakan. [49] En noviembre de 1554, las fuerzas de Toungoo lanzaron una invasión por dos frentes, uno por el valle de Sittaung y el otro por el valle de Irrawaddy. Las defensas de Avan, apoyadas por nueve ejércitos de la Confederación (de Bhamo, Kale, Mogaung, Mohnyin, Momeik, Mone, Nyaungshwe, Theinni y Thibaw-Onbaung), no pudieron detener el avance, y la capital Ava cayó ante las fuerzas del sur el 22 de enero de 1555. [50] El rey Sithu Kyawhtin fue enviado a Pegu. Bayinnaung nombró a su hermano menor Thado Minsaw virrey de Ava. [51] Las fuerzas de Toungoo luego expulsaron a los ejércitos restantes de la Confederación desde el valle de Chindwin hasta Monywa , el valle de Mu hasta Myedu y el valle de Kyaukse hasta Singu a fines de marzo. [52] [53]
Bayinnaung controlaba ahora los valles de los ríos Irrawaddy y Sittaung, los corredores hacia y desde el "corazón" donde se producía la mayor parte de los alimentos del país y vivía su población. [29] Aun así, su control sobre la Alta Birmania era pequeño (su puesto de avanzada más septentrional, Myedu, estaba a sólo unos 160 km (100 millas) de Ava) y tenue, ya que no había conseguido la lealtad de los estados shan circundantes, que habían sido la fuente de constantes incursiones en el interior del país desde el siglo XIV, y de hecho dominaban gran parte de él desde principios del siglo XVI. Necesitaba poner bajo control a los estados rebeldes circundantes si quería que su control sobre la Alta Birmania perdurara. [51]
En 1556, el rey y su corte habían decidido que todos los estados shan que rodeaban inmediatamente el valle del Irrawaddy debían ser reducidos de una sola vez. También reconocieron que tal vez tuvieran que enfrentarse a Lan Na (Chiang Mai), que era un aliado del poderoso estado de Mone . El comando de Toungoo pasó el año reuniendo el ejército más grande hasta el momento (36.000 hombres, 1200 caballos, 60 elefantes, 180 barcos de guerra y 100 barcos de carga) para la invasión. [54] [55]
La invasión del país Shan comenzó en enero de 1557. (Los ejércitos abandonaron su base de Ava entre el 24 de diciembre de 1556 y el 8 de enero de 1557.) [56] La demostración masiva de fuerza funcionó. Los estados se sometieron uno tras otro con una resistencia mínima. En marzo de 1557, Bayinnaung de un solo golpe controló la mayoría de los estados cis-Salween Shan desde la cordillera de Patkai en la frontera con Asamés en el noroeste hasta Mohnyin (Mong Yang), Mogaung (Mong Kawng) en el actual estado de Kachin hasta Momeik (Mong Mit) y Thibaw (Hsipaw) en el noreste. [53] Pero el orden se rompió justo después de que el ejército se fue. El poderoso estado de Mone (Mong Nai), que envió tributo en 1556 y, por lo tanto, no enfrentó la invasión, se rebeló con el apoyo de Lan Na, que estaba gobernado por Mekuti , un hermano del gobernante de Mone. Las fuerzas de Mone continuaron ocupando Thibaw y ejecutaron al nuevo saopha designado por Bayinnaung. [57] En noviembre de 1557, cinco ejércitos de Toungoo (33.000 hombres, 1.800 caballos, 170 elefantes) liderados por el propio rey invadieron y ocuparon fácilmente Mone y Thibaw. [57]
A finales de 1557, de los estados cis-Salween, sólo los vasallos chinos —Theinni (Hsenwi; actual estado norteño de Shan), Mowun, Kaingma, Sanda y Latha (actuales prefecturas de Dehong y Baoshan en Yunnan, China) [nota 11] — permanecían fuera del alcance de Bayinnaung. El mando de Toungoo consideró seriamente atacar a Theinni, ya que el ejército de Thado Minsaw ya estaba en la vecina Thibaw. Pero decidieron no abrir otro frente mientras Lan Na siguiera siendo una amenaza para los estados meridionales de Shan. [57]
_nat.jpg/1280px-Yun_Bayin_(Mekuti)_nat.jpg)
Bayinnaung now eyed the once powerful Kingdom of Lan Na, which had been involved in dynastic struggles between two branches of the Mengrai dynasty. The rule of King Mekuti of the House of Mone had been resisted by King Setthathirath of Lan Xang, grandson of King Ketklao of Lan Na. When Bayinnaung and his armies showed up at the gates of Chiang Mai on 31 March 1558, Mekuti surrendered without a fight on 2 April 1558.[61] The Burmese king allowed Mekuti to remain ruler of Lan Na, and brought several artisans, many of whom were notable lacquerware workers, back to Pegu.[62] He left a small garrison of 1000 men commanded by Binnya Dala and Binnya Set at Chiang Mai.[63]
Order broke down soon after the main armies left. Setthathirath occupied eastern provinces of Lan Na (Phrae, Nan, Chiang Rai and Chiang Saen). In November 1558, a 14,000-strong army led by Thado Minsaw reinforced Chiang Mai's defenses, and from there the combined armies then successfully drove out the Lan Xang forces from the territories.[64]
Lan Xang's defeat cemented Toungoo Burma's emergence as the premier power in the Shan country. The remaining cis-Salween Shan states fell in line even if they probably continued paying tribute to China.[53][note 12] Theinni sent preemptive tribute, received on 26 July 1558.[65] It was followed by tributary missions by the smaller Chinese vassal states of Mowun, Kaingma, Latha and Sanda in early 1559.[66]
Bayinnaung immediately put manpower from the newly acquired territories to acquire yet more territory. On 2 December 1559, he ordered an invasion of Manipur, ostensibly to address the small kingdom's alleged transgressions into Kale's territory. He had recalled Binnya Dala from Chiang Mai to lead the invasion. The three armies (10,000 men, 300 horses, 30 elephants), mostly made up of conscripts from Kale, Mohnyin, Mogaung, Momeik and Sanda, faced minimal resistance. The Manipuri raja surrendered around February 1560.[53][67]
The king spent the next two years preparing for war against Siam, which he considered his unfinished business. He set up a garrison at Tavoy (Dawei) on 17 June 1562.[68] But he first wanted to bring the trans-Salween Shan states into his fold, probably to get more manpower as well as to secure the rear. The Burmese chronicles states that he was merely responding to a July 1562 rebellion by his cis-Salween Chinese Shan states with support from trans-Salween Shan states.[69] However, as with Manipur, it may just have been a pretext. He sent four 12,000-strong armies, led respectively by Nanda, Thado Dhamma Yaza II, Minkhaung II and Thado Minsaw. The southernmost trans-Salween state of Kengtung submitted prior to the invasion on 16 December 1562.[70] The armies launched a two-pronged invasion of the Taping valley in March/April 1563.[note 13] The armies faced minimal resistance, and secured the allegiance of the local saophas.[71] Bayinnaung now had at least nominal suzerainty over the Chinese Shan states from the cis-Salween states in the Taping valley to Kenghung (present-day Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan) in the east.[72]
With much of western mainland Southeast Asia under his control, Bayinnaung now felt ready to take on Siam. He needed an overwhelming advantage in manpower over Siam because unlike interior Shan states, Siam could not be overwhelmed by the strength of his Portuguese firearms alone. Siam was a prosperous coastal power in its own right, and its forces included Portuguese firearms, ships and mercenaries.[73] On 16 July 1563, he sent an embassy to Siam, demanding one of the four white elephants in possession of the Siamese king as tribute.[74] As expected, King Maha Chakkraphat duly refused.[75] On 1 November 1563,[note 14] five armies (60,000 men, 2400 horses and 360 elephants) left Pegu to start the campaign. Another army from Lan Na was supposed to come down but King Mekuti of Lan Na had revolted.[75][76]
The invasion route was via central Siam. The armies took the key central town of Kamphaeng Phet on 4 December 1563.[note 15] Three of the armies then fanned out to acquire the key central Siam cities of Sukhothai, Phitsanulok, and Sawankhalok. Aside from a five-day battle at Phitsanulok, the armies faced minimal opposition. The rulers of the three cities as well as the ruler of Phichit submitted, and were reappointed to their positions.[77]
The armies then marched down to Ayutthaya. There, they were kept at bay for weeks by the Siamese fort, aided by three Portuguese warships and artillery batteries at the harbor. The invaders finally captured the Portuguese ships and batteries on 7 February 1564, after which the fort promptly fell.[75][78] The Siamese king surrendered on 18 February 1564.[79][80] Bayinnaung took all four white elephants, among other loot, and sent the fallen king to Pegu. He appointed Mahinthrathirat, a son of the fallen king, vassal king of Siam, and left a garrison of 3000.[75] Thai sources state that Bayinnaung also took Prince Ramesuan (ราเมศวร), the eldest son of Maha Chakkraphat, back with him as well as Phraya Chakkri (พระยาจักรี), the chancellor of Ayutthaya, and Phra Sunthon Songkhram (พระสุนทรสงคราม), the military chief of Ayutthaya.[81]
Although he had finally conquered Siam, he still needed to deal with the middle Tai country. King Mekuti of Lan Na had allied himself with his old rival Setthathirath of Lan Xang. On 23 October 1564, Bayinnaung himself led five massive armies (64,000 men, 3600 horses, 330 elephants) and began a two-pronged invasion of Lan Na.[82] The levies hailed from all over the empire, including Siam whose troops were led by Ramesuan, the former crown prince of Siam.[83] The massive show of force worked. When four southern armies showed up at Lamphun, 20 km south of Chiang Mai, on 25 November 1564, the commanders leading Chiang Mai's defenses simply fled the city.[82] Mekuti now submitted, asking for forgiveness. Bayinnaung spared the broken king's life, and sent him to Pegu. The Burmese king then stayed in Lan Na for the next four months, administering the country. He appointed Queen Visuddhadevi, as the vassal ruler of Lan Na before leaving Chiang Mai on 10 April 1565 to deal with a serious rebellion in Pegu.[84]
Lan Xang proved a much more difficult project however. Three armies led by the crown prince himself invaded Lan Xang, and easily captured Vientiane on 2 January 1565.[note 16] But King Setthathirath escaped. For the next several months, the Burmese troops fruitlessly chased him and his small band of men around the Laotian countryside. Many troops died of starvation and disease.[85] The Burmese command finally gave up, and the armies left Vientiane on 1 August 1565.[85][86] They had installed a son-in-law of Setthathirath as vassal king.[87] They also brought back many members of the Lan Xang royalty, including Setthathirath's 18-year-old brother, Maha Ouparat.[88]
Lan Na was to be at peace for the rest of Bayinnaung's reign. At Vientiane, however, the vassal king's authority did not extend much beyond the capital, backed by the Burmese garrison. Setthathirath remained active in the countryside, and would return to Vientiane in late 1567.[89]
After the Lan Xang campaign, Bayinnaung had at least nominal control over the lands stretching from Manipur in the northwest to Lan Xang in the east; and from the Chinese Shan states in the north to the central Malay peninsula in the south.[90] After a brief lull, he was to spend nearly a decade (1568–1576) keeping the empire intact.
After the 1565 rebellion by resettled Shans in Pegu, he faced no new rebellions for the next two years (1565–1567). Because the rebellion burned down major swaths of the capital, including the entire palace complex, he had the capital and the palace rebuilt. The new capital had 20 gates, each named after the vassal who built it.[91] Each gate had a gilded two-tier pyatthat and gilded wooden doors.[92]
The newly rebuilt Kanbawzathadi Palace was officially opened on 16 March 1568, with every vassal ruler present. He even gave upgraded titles to four former kings living in Pegu: Mobye Narapati of Ava, Sithu Kyawhtin of Ava, Mekuti of Lan Na, and Maha Chakkraphat of Siam.[93]
Even as he triumphantly entered the new palace as the universal ruler, or cakkavatti, trouble was already brewing in Lan Xang. About a month earlier, he had been informed that Setthathirath's forces not only had retaken Vientiane but were also raiding eastern districts of central Siam and Lan Na. In response, he had rushed down troops from the Shan states and Upper Burma to the border.[93] But it was a rush job. The army could only muster 6000 troops on short notice, and was thoroughly routed at the border.[94]
More bad news piled up. He learned on 12 May 1568 that southern Siam (Ayutthaya) too had revolted, and entered into an alliance with Lan Xang. The rebellion was led by Maha Chakkraphat, the deposed king of Siam whom Bayinnaung had just showered with honors and permitted to return to Ayutthaya on pilgrimage as a monk. No sooner had the monk arrived at Ayutthaya than he flung off the robe, and declared independence.[95] But all was not lost. The ruler of central Siam (Phitsanulok), Maha Thammarachathirat, remained loyal to him. On 29 May 1568, a dismayed Bayinnaung sent an army of 6000 to reinforce Phitsanulok.[96]
The war began in June. Desperate to consolidate the Chao Phraya valley before the expected dry-season invasion, combined Ayutthaya and Lan Xang forces braved unforgiving rainy season conditions and laid siege to Phitsanulok. But Phitsanulok's reinforced defenses held. In late October/early November,[97] the besiegers retreated to their respective cities before the upcoming invasion.[98] Bayinnaung's five armies (54,600 men, 5300 horses, 530 elephants) arrived at Phitsanulok on 27 November 1568.[note 17] Reinforced at Phitsanulok, combined armies of 70,000[note 18] marched down along the Chao Phraya to Ayutthaya, and laid siege to the city in December 1568.
But the Burmese armies, despite taking immense losses, could not break through for months. When Setthathirath and his army approached to relieve the city, Bayinnaung left Binnya Dala in command of the siege, and left with half his force to meet the enemy. On 8 May 1569, he decisively defeated Setthathirath northeast of the city, after which Lan Xang ceased to be of concern to the siege operations.[99][100] Meanwhile, Maha Chakkraphat had died, and his son Mahinthrathirat made an offer of conditional surrender. It was refused. Bayinnaung demanded an unconditional surrender.[99] Instead he sent one of his Siamese nobles to the city, pretending to be a deserter. King Mahinthrathirat promptly appointed him to a high command. Through the spy's treacherous machinations, one of the city's gates was opened.[99] The city fell on that very night on 2 August 1569.[note 19] Bayinnaung appointed Maha Thammarachathirat king of Siam on 29 September 1569.[note 20]
While Bayinnaung had decisively defeated Siam, his most powerful rival in the region, his greatest challenge would turn out to be keeping remote, mountainous states in the farthest corners of his empire in check. Guerrilla warfare by small rebel armies combined with difficult terrain and starvation caused more problems for the king's armies than the armies of Siam ever did.
The remote hilly Lan Xang proved most troublesome. He personally led the two-pronged invasion of Lan Xang in October 1569. Setthathirath made a stand at Vientiane for a few months before retreating into the jungle in February 1570 to conduct his tried-and-true guerrilla warfare. Bayinnaung and his men spent the next two months combing the Lao countryside. Setthathirath was nowhere to be found but many Burmese troops died of starvation and from long marches. Bayinnaung finally called off the search in April 1570, and returned home.[101][102] When the king arrived back at Pegu, very few men of the original army had survived to reach their own country.[102]
Lan Xang was not the only remote, mountainous region the Burmese king had trouble controlling. The northernmost Shan states of Mohnyin and Mogaung (and their vassals in present-day Kachin State and Sagaing Region) collectively revolted in July 1571. He sent two 12,000-strong armies led by Nanda and Thado Dhamma Yaza II. The armies easily recaptured the states. But, like in Lan Xang, the troops spent five punishing months fruitlessly chasing after the renegade saophas in the snow-clad foothills of the Himalayas.[103]
Meanwhile, Setthathirath's forces sacked the Burmese garrison at Vientiane. Fortunately for the Burmese, so it seemed, the Lan Xang king was killed shortly after—sometime before mid-1572, and a senior minister and general named Sen Soulintha seized the throne.[104] (In Laotian history, the events took place a year earlier. Setthathirath retook Vientiane in the dry season of 1570–1571, and died in 1571.[105]) Much to his surprise, Soulintha refused Bayinnaung's ultimatum to submit. Incredulous, Bayinnaung sent Binnya Dala to lead an invasion with a small army of 6000, with the majority of troops coming from Lan Na and Siam. But he and the Toungoo court had underestimated the opposition. Lan Xang's strength was more than Setthathirath, and Soulintha proved no pushover. The small Burmese army suffered from guerrilla attacks, and had to retreat in early 1573. At Pegu, the king was furious at Binnya Dala, hitherto his most trusted adviser and favorite general, despite the fact that he had given the general little to work with. He sent Binnya Dala into exile "to a sickly place" in central Siam, where the general who had won him many a battle died from illness six months later.[106][107]
He immediately ordered the levy to be raised to invade Lan Xang in the following dry season of 1573–1574. But the kingdom had been in constant campaign mode, and his annual demands of more levies were pushing his vassals to the breaking point. Even his senior advisers murmured loudly, and the king reluctantly agreed to postpone the expedition for a year. The respite did little to restore the ranks of depleted vassals. When the conscription drive came in 1574, the northernmost states of Mohnyin and Mogaung refused, and revolted.[107]
The king was unfazed. He ordered Thado Minsaw, the ruler of Ava, to take care of the northern states while he personally led the Lan Xang campaign. On 1 October 1574, Thado Minsaw's army (6000 men, 800 horses, 80 elephants), made up of regiments from Upper Burma and the Shan states, marched north. Six days later, Bayinnaung's four armies (34,000 men, 1800 horses, 180 elephants), with regiments from Lower Burma, Lan Na and Siam, began the Lan Xang campaign.[108] The armies arrived before Vientiane after 60 days marching.[note 21] On 6 December 1574, the king and his massive armies faced no opposition entering Vientiane, as Soulintha had already evacuated to the countryside. Fortunately for the Burmese king, Soulintha was viewed as a usurper by his own officers, who arrested him and presented him to the conqueror.[107] Burmese armies again fanned out to and received tribute from the Lao countryside, including easternmost Lan Xang, which is now part of present-day Vietnam.[109] The Burmese king appointed a younger brother of Setthathirath, Maha Oupahat (Chao Tha Heua), king of Lan Xang with the regnal name Voravongsa I, and returned to Pegu on 16 April 1575.[110][111] Since he was a true high Lan Xang royal he was accepted by the populace as the rightful successor to Setthathirath. Lan Xang was finally under control.
The low-grade rebellion in Mohnyin and Mogaung remained a pesky thorn in Bayinnaung's side. The rebel chiefs simply retreated to the jungle when the army showed up, returning right after the army left. The king was particularly annoyed that the leader of the rebellion, the young saopha of Mogaung, had been raised at the Pegu palace, and that he himself had appointed him to the office in 1572.[112] He personally marched north in late 1575, and sent several battalions to comb the jungles. One battalion ran into the rebels deep in the hills, and killed the saopha of Mohnyin.[113] But the saopha of Mogaung escaped and remained at large for another year and a half. When the renegade saopha was finally captured, and brought before the king on 30 September 1577,[note 22] the king ordered that the young chief be exhibited in fetters for a week at each of the twenty gates of Pegu, and that he and his followers be sold as slaves in India.[114][note 23]
By 1576, almost no one wanted to challenge Bayinnaung's rule, and the rest of his reign was to be relatively quiet. Other states in the region—in particular, rival Ceylonese kingdoms—were keen to receive his support. For his part, Bayinnaung viewed himself as the protector of Theravada Buddhism, and had long tried to promote and protect the religion in Ceylon. Two decades earlier, in November 1555,[115] he sent rich presents to the Tooth of Kandy, and bought land there to keep lights continually burning at the shrine. His craftsmen beautified the temple and swept it with the broom made of his and his chief queen's hair. In 1560, upon hearing that the Portuguese had seized and taken the tooth relic to Goa, he sent envoys to secure the relic for 800,000 silver kyats (41,000 pounds sterling) and shiploads of rice, whenever needed, to provision the Portuguese garrison at Malacca. Viceroy Constantino de Bragança was interested but the Archbishop of Goa, Gaspar de Leão Pereira, overruled him by threatening the viceroy with an Inquisition style trial. In 1561, "while the Burmese envoys gazed in frozen horror, the archbishop placed the Tooth in a mortar, grounded it to powder, burned it in a brazier, and cast the ashes into the river."[116][117] The Ceylonese however claimed that the destroyed relic had been a replica, and that the true Tooth had remained in Ceylon. Two teeth, claimed to be the real Tooth, appeared in Ceylon, one at Colombo and the other at Kandy.[116]
By the 1570s, both Kotte and Kandy were jockeying for Bayinnaung's support. King Dharmapala of Kotte was the most active. He presented who he said was his daughter to Bayinnaung. The princess was received with great fanfare at Bassein (Pathein) on 24 September 1573.[118] According to G.E. Harvey, however, the Kotte king's action was not voluntary: the Burmese king had demanded a princess to fulfill a prophecy given by his astrologers, and Dharmapala, who had no daughters, complied by sending the daughter of a chamberlain, whom he had treated as his own.[119] At any rate, Dharmapala, who had converted to Catholicism, continued to curry favor by sending what he claimed was the real Tooth relic, ostensibly to be safeguarded under the protection of the great Buddhist king. The main purpose of his mission was to seek military help against a rebellion. The Tooth was received on 14 July 1576.[120] While it is unclear whether Bayinnaung actually believed in the authenticity of the relic, the possession of a holy Tooth, which many millions of subjects believed in, was of the highest importance.[117] In return, Bayinnaung sent 2500 of his best "invulnerables" from all parts of the empire in five ships to Colombo.[note 24] The king's best troops easily defeated the rebellion, which was noticed by the other three rulers on the island. Chronicles say that the Burmese generals then received the rulers of the four kingdoms of Ceylon in Colombo, and instructed them to safeguard the religion.[121] King Karaliyadde Bandara of Kandy, offered a daughter and what he claimed was the real Tooth. But His Majesty, seeing no reason to reopen the case, would not enter into controversy with skeptics and dismissed them with thanks.[119]
No troubles arose when Queen Visuddhadevi of Lan Na, who had successfully kept the middle Tai country quiet for over 13 years, died on 2 January 1579.[122] Bayinnaung's choice Nawrahta Minsaw, one of his sons, faced no problems taking over the Lan Na throne. When instabilities arose in Lan Xang, he took no chances. On 17 October 1579, he sent a sizable army (22,000 men, 1200 horses, 120 elephants), which faced no opposition.[123] According to Laotian history, the vassal king of Lan Xang Maha Ouparat died in 1580, and Bayinnaung installed Sen Soulintha, the usurper whom he had kept in Pegu since 1574, as the successor.[124] The Burmese chronicles make no mention of any change for the rest of the king's reign. The Chronicles' lone post-1579 entry on Lan Xang during his reign simply states that on 2 September 1581, the king commissioned a Buddhist pagoda in Lan Xang.[125] The Chronicles say that the vassal king died in September/October 1588.[126]
By 1580, not only had the "universal ruler" subdued all the countries which had occupied his attention for the last three decades but he also had the respect of neighboring states. He faced no internal or external threats (although Portuguese Goa considered itself technically at war with Burma for her interference in Ceylon).[117] Instead of resting, he turned his gaze on Arakan, the kingdom he and Tabinshwehti unsuccessfully tried to conquer in 1545–1547. He determined that it was now time to reduce the western coastal kingdom to the vassal status it held under the Pagan kings once more.[117] A year earlier, he had sent an embassy to Emperor Akbar of the Mughal Empire, which had just acquired Bengal in 1576, perhaps to ascertain whether his occupation of Arakan would be viewed as an act of hostility to the Mughals.[117]
At any rate, the king sent an 8000-strong naval invasion force on 15 October 1580.[127] The fleet, which consisted of 200 ships, went on to occupy Sandoway in November 1580.[128][note 25] The king had probably planned to lead the assault on the Arakanese capital Mrauk-U by himself but could not because of his failing health. The invasion force remained inactive at Sandoway for a year. The king sent additional land and naval forces (29,000 troops, 1600 horses, 120 elephants) on 28 August 1581 in preparation for the coming dry season campaign.[note 26] But the king died six weeks later, and the invasion forces withdrew soon after.[117]
.png/1280px-Map_of_Taungoo_Empire_(1580).png)
Bayinnaung successfully assembled the largest empire in Burmese history.[note 27] The empire spanned "from Manipur to Cambodian marches and the borders of Arakan to Yunnan,"[1] and likely received "propitiatory homage" from states as far east as Vietnam and Cambodia.[72] Notwithstanding its fragility, his realm was certainly the largest empire in the history of mainland Southeast Asia[130] and "probably the largest empire in the history of Southeast Asia."[1] The Portuguese called Pegu "the most powerful monarchy in Asia except that of China."[131]
But Bayinnaung, who began his reign as a "king without a kingdom",[30] ended his reign as an "emperor without an empire."[132] According to Than Tun, Bayinnaung conquered territories not to colonize them but to gain the loyalty of their rulers. He kept conquered kings and lords in their own positions so long as they remained loyal to him. Tun Aung Chain adds that "the extensive polity was held together not so much by formal institutions as personal relationships" based on the concepts of thissa (သစ္စာ, 'allegiance') and kyezu (ကျေးဇူး, 'obligation')."[132] Lieberman writes: "... he presented himself as cakkavatti, or World Ruler, par excellence ..."[133]
This was nothing new. The king was simply following the then prevailing Southeast Asian administrative model of solar polities in which the high king ruled the core while semi-independent tributaries, autonomous viceroys, and governors actually controlled day-to-day administration and manpower.[24] As such, the "King of Kings" governed only Pegu and the Mon country himself, leaving the rest of the realm to vassal kings in Ava, Prome, Lan Na, Lan Xang, Martaban, Siam, and Toungoo.[91] He regarded Lan Na as the most important of all the vassal states, and spent much time there.[91]
He administered Lower Burma with the help of ministers, the vast majority of whom were of ethnic Mon background. (The word used by European visitors to describe a court official was semini, Italian translation of smim, Mon for lord.)[33] His chief minister was Binnya Dala, known for his military and administrative abilities, and literary talents.[33][138]
He introduced administrative reforms only at the margins. By and large, he simply grafted the prevailing decentralized administration system, which barely worked for petty states like his native Toungoo, to the largest polity ever in the region.[139] Indeed, it did not work for mid-size kingdoms like Ava, Hanthawaddy, Lan Na, and Siam. (Ava had always had to contend with Prome and Toungoo; Pegu with Martaban and Bassein; Chiang Mai with Chiang Saen and Nan; Ayutthaya with Phitsanulok; etc.) Now, because of the sheer size of the empire, the system was even more decentralized and stretched thinner still. At any rate, it was the only system the Toungoo kings knew, and they "had no choice but to retain it."[139]
He, perhaps inadvertently, did introduce a key reform, which turned out to be the most important and most enduring of his legacies.[3] It was his policy to administer the Shan states, which had constantly raided Upper Burma since the late 13th century. The king permitted the saophas of the states to retain their royal regalia and ceremonies, and feudal rights over their subjects. The office of the saopha remained hereditary. But the incumbent saopha could now be removed by the king for gross misconduct although the king's choice of successor was limited to members of the saopha's own family. The key innovation was that he required sons of his vassal rulers to reside in his palace as pages, who served a dual purpose: they were hostages for good conduct of their fathers and they received valuable training in Burmese court life. His Shan policy was followed by all Burmese kings right up to the final fall of the kingdom to the British in 1885.[3]
Still, his reforms were ad hoc and experimental. Patron-client relationships still mattered much more than weak or non-existent institutions: his vassals were loyal to him, not Toungoo Burma. The reforms he started would ultimately be expanded by his 17th-century successors.[140] But they had not sufficiently taken root by his death to prevent his "overheated" empire from rapidly collapsing in the next two decades.[139]
His Majesty introduced a measure of legal uniformity by summoning learned monks and officials from all over his dominions to prescribe an official collection of law books. The scholars compiled Dhammathat Kyaw and Kosaungchok, based on King Wareru's dhammathat. The decisions given in his court were collected in Hanthawaddy Hsinbyumyashin Hpyat-hton.[91] He promoted the new law throughout the empire so far as it was compatible with customs and practices of local society.[3] The adoption of Burmese customary law and the Burmese calendar in Siam began in his reign.[141] He also standardized the weights and measurements such as the cubit, tical, basket throughout the realm.[91][131]
Another enduring legacy of Bayinnaung was his introduction of a more orthodox Theravada Buddhism to Upper Burma and the Shan states.[142] He propagated the religious reforms begun by King Dhammazedi in the late 1470s. Viewing himself as the "model Buddhist king," the king distributed copies of the scriptures, fed monks, and built pagodas at every new conquered state from Upper Burma and the Shan states to Lan Na and Siam. Some of the pagodas are still to be seen, and in later ages the Burmese would point to them as proof of their claim to rule those countries still.[116] Following in the footsteps of Dhammazedi, he supervised mass ordinations at the Kalyani Ordination Hall at Pegu in his orthodox Theravada Buddhism in the name of purifying the religion.[116] He prohibited all human and animal sacrifices throughout the kingdom. In particular, he forbade the Shan practice of killing the slaves and animals belonging to a saopha at his funeral.[3] His attempts to rid of animist nat worship from Buddhism, however, failed.[3]
He donated jewels to adorn the crowns of many a pagoda, including the Shwedagon, the Shwemawdaw, the Kyaiktiyo, and many less famous ones. He added a new spire to the Shwedagon in 1564 after the death of his beloved queen Yaza Dewi.[116] His main temple was the Mahazedi Pagoda at Pegu, completed in 1561.[143] He tried but failed to secure the release of the Tooth Relic of Kandy from the Portuguese invaders in 1560. He later interfered with the internal affairs of Ceylon in the 1570s, ostensibly to protect the Buddha Sasana there.
His kingdom was mainly an agrarian state with a few wealthy maritime trading ports. The main ports were Syriam (Thanlyin), Dala, and Martaban. The kingdom exported commodities such as rice and jewels. At Pegu, overseas trade was in the hands of eight brokers appointed by the king. Their fee was two percent. Their honesty and businesslike methods won the esteem of European merchants. The wealth was seen at the capital. Contemporary European travelers would "never tire of describing Pegu—the long moat full of crocodiles, the walls, the watch-towers, the gorgeous palace, the great processions with elephants and palanquins and grandees in shining robes, the shrines filled with images of massy gold and gems, the unending hosts of armed men, and the apparition of the great king himself."[144] The king appointed officials to supervise merchant shipping and sent out ships to undertake commercial voyages.[131] The prosperous life at the capital, however, was probably not replicated at the countryside. Annual mobilizations of men greatly reduced the manpower necessary to cultivate the rice fields. Harvests at times fell perilously low, causing severe rice shortages, such as in 1567.[145]
Bayinnaung built the largest empire in Southeast Asia on the back of "breathtaking" military conquests. His success has been attributed to a "more martial Toungoo tradition", Portuguese firearms, foreign mercenaries, and larger forces.[146]
First, he was a product of Toungoo, a rebellion-prone former vassal of Ava, where he as a young man at the palace received a military-style education since childhood.[8] With their training, he and Tabinshwehti launched their first campaign against a larger, wealthier Hanthawaddy when they were both just 18.
Secondly, the beginning of their military careers coincided with the arrival of Portuguese cannon and matchlocks in large quantities. Portuguese weaponry proved superior in accuracy, safety, ballistic weight, and rapidity of fire to Asian-made firearms. The duo arrived at the coast on the cusp of this transformation, and quickly turned it to their advantage, incorporating Portuguese firearms as well as Portuguese and Indian Ocean (mostly Muslim) mercenaries into their forces.[146][147] Indigenous infantry and elephant units also began using guns, with 20–33% of the troops so equipped on some late 16th century campaigns.[146] According to Lieberman, "had Toungoo attacked Pegu a generation later, it is conceivable that Portuguese guns could have given Pegu the victory, thus altering the course of history."[146] But it was Toungoo that seized Hanthawaddy's advantages and leveraged them into an empire.
Finally, Bayinnaung was able to marshal more manpower than any ruler in the region. He required every new conquered state to provide conscripts for his next campaign. Using both larger forces and superior firearms, he had no trouble reducing Manipur and the entire Shan world to tributary status. His larger forces and their greater fighting experience proved to make the difference against Siam, which too was a wealthy coastal power with a powerful well-equipped military.[146]
It turned out however that Siam was not his greatest adversary. It was the remote mountainous states like Lan Xang, Mohnyin and Mogaung whose guerrilla warfare gave him constant trouble. Many of his men died from starvation and disease while fruitlessly searching for elusive bands of rebels, year after year. (The death toll must have been significant since it made it to the chronicles.) He was fortunate that the charismatic guerrilla leader Setthathirath died. In the end, his military might alone could not bring lasting peace. He needed competent local rulers, who commanded the respect of the local populace, to rule the lands on his behalf. History shows that he used the political solution instead to maintain peace.
To be sure, the individual ingredients alone cannot explain his success. The same ingredients were available to his successors. Yet no one (in Burma or elsewhere in the successor states of his empire) could put them together. For example, he raised upwards of 60,000 to 70,000 men for his major campaigns. His Toungoo successors raised a third at most. It was not until the early Konbaung kings that the army again raised nearly as many men. Harvey notes: "From his teens until his death, he was constantly in the field, leading every major campaign in person. The failure of other kings who attempted the same conquests is the measure of his ability."[148]
The king died on 10 October 1581 after a long illness.[note 29] His full reign name at death was "Thiri Tri Bawa Naditra Pawara Pandita Thudhamma Yaza Maha Dipadi."[149]
His eldest son and heir-apparent Nanda took over the throne without incident.[150] But the empire, which Bayinnaung had built on military conquests and maintained by both military power and personal relationships with the vassal rulers, was to crumble soon after. The first crack appeared in the far north in September 1582 when the Chinese Shan states of Sanda and Thaungthut revolted. The rebellion was put down in March 1583. Much more serious cracks followed. Ava (Upper Burma) revolted in October 1583, and the rebellion was put down on 24 April 1584.[151] Siam revolted on 3 May 1584. Nanda would spend the rest of his reign fighting Siam and other former vassals and would lose the entire empire in the process by 1599.
The king had three principal queens consort and over 50 other junior queens. In all, he left 97 children.[note 30] The following is a list of notable queens and their issue.
A notable queen of Bayinnaung in Thai history is Suphankanlaya, daughter of King Maha Thammarachathirat of Siam.
Bayinnaung is considered one of the three greatest Burmese kings, alongside Anawrahta and Alaungpaya, the founders of the First and Third Burmese Empires, respectively. The king is mostly remembered for his military conquests, not just in Myanmar but also in Thailand and Laos. His reign has been called "the greatest explosion of human energy ever seen in Burma."[148] In Myanmar, the soldier-king is considered the favorite king of the present-day Burmese generals. According to Thant Myint-U, the generals often see themselves "as fighting the same enemies and in the same places... their soldiers slugging their way through the same thick jungle, preparing to torch a town or press-gang villagers. The past closer, more comparable, a way to justify present action. His statues are there because the ordeal of welding a nation together by force is not just history."[152] In Thailand, he is well known as the "Conqueror of the Ten Directions" (พระเจ้าชนะสิบทิศ),[56] from the 1931 novel Phu Chana Sip Thit (ผู้ชนะสิบทิศ, "Conqueror of the Ten Directions") by Chote Praepan (โชติ แพร่พันธุ์). He has thus far escaped the increasingly negative portrayals of Burmese kings in Thai history books. As the founder of an empire geographically centered in Siam, he is well known by the Thai people, and often still treated with respect. In Laos, King Setthathirath is lionized for his pesky resistance to the empire.
Though he is best known for empire building, his greatest legacy was his integration of the Shan states, which eliminated the threat of Shan raids into Upper Burma, an overhanging concern to Upper Burma since the late 13th century. His Shan policy, greatly enhanced by later Toungoo kings, reduced the power of hereditary saophas, and brought hill customs in line with low-land norms. This policy was followed by Burmese kings right up to the final fall of the kingdom to the British in 1885.[3]
The adoption of Burmese customary law and the Burmese calendar in Siam began in his reign. Siam used the Burmese calendar until 1889.[141][153]
Bayinnaung is commemorated in Myanmar in several ways.
Bayinnaung is a main character in the 2016 video game Age of Empires II HD: Rise of the Rajas published by Xbox Game Studios.
In Part 1 of the 2007 King Naresuan film series, Bayinnaung is a Burmese conqueror and a father-figure for the young prince Naresuan.
Siam did not send its armies to the South for the remainder of the 16th century.
