La inmigración a los Estados Unidos ha sido una fuente importante de crecimiento poblacional y cambio cultural a lo largo de gran parte de su historia . En números absolutos, Estados Unidos tiene, con diferencia, la mayor cantidad de inmigrantes del mundo, con 50.661.149 personas en 2019. [1] [2] Esto representa el 19,1% de los 244 millones de migrantes internacionales en todo el mundo y el 14,4% de la población de los Estados Unidos. En 2018, había casi 90 millones de inmigrantes e hijos de inmigrantes nacidos en Estados Unidos en los Estados Unidos, lo que representa el 28% de la población total de Estados Unidos. [3]
Según el Anuario de Estadísticas de Inmigración de 2016, Estados Unidos admitió un total de 1,18 millones de inmigrantes legales (618.000 recién llegados, 565.000 ajustes de estatus) en 2016. [4] De estos, el 48% eran parientes inmediatos de ciudadanos de los Estados Unidos , el 20% estaban patrocinados por la familia, el 13% eran refugiados o solicitantes de asilo , el 12% tenían preferencias basadas en el empleo, el 4,2% formaban parte del programa de Visas de Diversidad para Inmigrantes , el 1,4% eran víctimas de un delito (U1) o sus familiares lo eran (U2 a U5), [5] y el 1,0% a quienes se les concedió la Visa Especial de Inmigrante (SIV) para iraquíes y afganos empleados por el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos. [4] El 0,4% restante incluía pequeñas cantidades de varias otras categorías, incluido el 0,2% a quienes se les concedió la suspensión de la deportación como pariente inmediato de un ciudadano (Z13); [6] personas admitidas en virtud de la Ley de Ayuda a Nicaragua y Centroamérica ; niños nacidos después de la emisión de la visa de un padre; y ciertas personas en libertad condicional de la ex Unión Soviética, Camboya, Laos y Vietnam a quienes se les negó el estatus de refugiados. [4]
Entre 1921 y 1965, políticas como la fórmula de los orígenes nacionales limitaron las oportunidades de inmigración y naturalización para las personas de áreas fuera del noroeste de Europa . Las leyes de exclusión promulgadas ya en la década de 1880 generalmente prohibían o restringían severamente la inmigración desde Asia, y las leyes de cupos promulgadas en la década de 1920 restringieron la inmigración del sur y este de Europa. El movimiento por los derechos civiles condujo a la sustitución [7] de estas cuotas étnicas por límites por país para visas de preferencia patrocinadas por la familia y basadas en el empleo. [8] Entre 1970 y 2007, el número de inmigrantes de primera generación que vivían en los Estados Unidos se cuadriplicó de 9,6 millones a 38,1 millones de residentes. [9] [10] Las estimaciones del censo muestran 45,3 millones de residentes nacidos en el extranjero en los Estados Unidos en marzo de 2018 y 45,4 millones en septiembre de 2021, el aumento trienal más bajo en décadas. [11]
En 2017, de la población estadounidense nacida en el extranjero, aproximadamente el 45% (20,7 millones) eran ciudadanos naturalizados, el 27% (12,3 millones) eran residentes legales permanentes, el 6% (2,2 millones) eran residentes legales temporales y el 23% (10,5 millones) eran inmigrantes no autorizados. [12] Estados Unidos lideró el mundo en reasentamiento de refugiados durante décadas, admitiendo más refugiados que el resto del mundo en conjunto. [13]
Algunas investigaciones sugieren que la inmigración es beneficiosa para la economía de los Estados Unidos. Con pocas excepciones, la evidencia sugiere que, en promedio, la inmigración tiene efectos económicos positivos en la población nativa, pero es mixta en cuanto a si la inmigración poco calificada afecta negativamente a los nativos poco calificados. Los estudios también muestran que los inmigrantes tienen tasas de criminalidad más bajas que los nativos en los Estados Unidos. [14] [15] [16] Los aspectos económicos, sociales y políticos de la inmigración han causado controversia en relación con cuestiones como el mantenimiento de la homogeneidad étnica , los trabajadores para los empleadores frente a los empleos para los no inmigrantes, los patrones de asentamiento, el impacto en la movilidad social ascendente , la delincuencia y el comportamiento electoral.
La historia de la inmigración estadounidense se puede analizar en cuatro épocas: el período colonial, mediados del siglo XIX, principios del siglo XX y después de 1965. Cada período trajo grupos nacionales, razas y etnias distintas a los Estados Unidos.
Periodo colonial
Durante el siglo XVII, aproximadamente 400.000 ingleses emigraron a América bajo la colonización europea . [17] Comprendían el 83,5% de la población blanca en el momento del primer censo en 1790. [18] De 1700 a 1775, entre 350.000 y 500.000 europeos inmigraron: las estimaciones varían según las fuentes. Con respecto a los colonos ingleses del siglo XVIII, una fuente dice que 52.000 ingleses emigraron durante el período de 1701 a 1775, aunque es probable que esta cifra sea demasiado baja. [19] [20] Entre 400.000 y 450.000 de los inmigrantes del siglo XVIII eran escoceses , escoceses-irlandeses del Ulster, alemanes , suizos y hugonotes franceses . [21] Más de la mitad de todos los inmigrantes europeos a la América colonial durante los siglos XVII y XVIII llegaron como sirvientes contratados . [22] Su número ascendía a 350.000. [23] De 1770 a 1775 (el último año fue cuando comenzó la Guerra de la Independencia de los Estados Unidos ), 7.000 ingleses, 15.000 escoceses, 13.200 escoceses-irlandeses, 5.200 alemanes y 3.900 católicos irlandeses emigraron a las Trece Colonias . [24] Según Butler (2000), hasta la mitad de los inmigrantes ingleses en el siglo XVIII pueden haber sido hombres jóvenes y solteros que eran artesanos bien capacitados y calificados, como los hugonotes. [25] Según un análisis académico, los ingleses eran la ascendencia individual más numerosa en todos los estados de EE. UU. en el momento del primer censo en 1790, con un rango que iba desde un máximo del 82 % en Massachusetts hasta un mínimo del 35,3 % en Pensilvania, donde los alemanes representaban el 33,3 %.
Orígenes de la población inmigrante en 1790
La Oficina del Censo publicó estimaciones preliminares de los orígenes de la población colonial estadounidense mediante la clasificación académica de los nombres de todos los jefes de familia blancos registrados en el censo de 1790 en un informe de 1909 titulado Un siglo de crecimiento poblacional . [26] Estas estimaciones iniciales fueron examinadas y rechazadas después de la aprobación de la Ley de Inmigración de 1924 , cuando el gobierno exigió estimaciones oficiales precisas de los orígenes de la población de origen colonial como base para calcular las cuotas de inmigración de la Fórmula de Orígenes Nacionales en la década de 1920. En 1927, las cuotas propuestas basadas en las cifras de CPG fueron rechazadas por el Comité del Presidente presidido por los Secretarios de Estado , Comercio y Trabajo , y el Presidente informó al Congreso que "la información estadística e histórica disponible plantea graves dudas en cuanto al valor total de estos cálculos como base para los fines previstos". [27] Concluyendo que el CPG "no había sido aceptado por los académicos como mejor que una primera aproximación a la verdad", se produjo una extensa revisión científica, en colaboración con el Consejo Americano de Sociedades Científicas (ACLS), como base para calcular las cuotas de inmigración legal contemporáneas. [28] Para esta tarea, los académicos estimaron la proporción de nombres de derivación única de cada uno de los principales linajes nacionales presentes en la población a partir del censo de 1790. Los resultados finales, publicados más tarde también en la revista de la Asociación Histórica Americana , se presentan a continuación: [27]
Los historiadores estiman que menos de un millón de inmigrantes se mudaron a los Estados Unidos desde Europa entre 1600 y 1799. [30] En comparación, en el primer censo federal, en 1790, la población de los Estados Unidos fue enumerada como 3.929.214. [31]
Estas estadísticas no incluyen el 17,8% de la población que estaba esclavizada, según el censo de 1790 .
La Ley de Naturalización de 1790 limitó la naturalización a las "personas blancas libres"; se amplió para incluir a las personas de raza negra en la década de 1860 y a las personas de origen asiático en la década de 1950. [32] Esto convirtió a Estados Unidos en un caso atípico, ya que las leyes que hacían distinciones raciales eran poco comunes en el mundo en el siglo XVIII. [33]
El Tratado Jay de 1794 otorgó libertad de movimiento a los estadounidenses, súbditos británicos y nativos americanos en jurisdicciones británicas y estadounidenses, con excepción de las tierras de la Compañía de la Bahía de Hudson . El tratado sigue vigente en la medida en que permite a los nativos americanos nacidos en Canadá (sujeto a una prueba de cuantificación de sangre ) ingresar libremente a los Estados Unidos. [34] [35] [36]
En los primeros años de los Estados Unidos, la inmigración (sin contar a los esclavos , que eran tratados como mercancías en lugar de personas) era de menos de 8.000 personas al año, [37] incluidos los refugiados franceses de la revuelta de esclavos en Haití . La importación legal de esclavos africanos fue prohibida después de 1808, aunque muchos fueron introducidos de contrabando para vender. Después de 1820, la inmigración aumentó gradualmente. De 1836 a 1914, más de 30 millones de europeos emigraron a los Estados Unidos. [38]
El año pico de inmigración europea fue 1907, cuando 1.285.349 personas ingresaron al país. [40] En 1910, 13,5 millones de inmigrantes vivían en los Estados Unidos. [41]
Si bien la Ley de Exclusión China de 1882 ya había excluido a los inmigrantes de China, la inmigración de personas de países asiáticos además de China fue prohibida por la Ley de Inmigración de 1917 , también conocida como la Ley de Zonas Asiáticas Prohibidas, que también prohibía a los homosexuales , las personas con discapacidad intelectual y las personas con una cosmovisión anarquista . [42] La Ley de Cuotas de Emergencia se promulgó en 1921, limitando la inmigración desde el hemisferio oriental mediante cuotas nacionales equivalentes al 3 por ciento del número de nacidos en el extranjero de cada nación en el censo de 1910. La Ley tenía como objetivo restringir aún más a los inmigrantes del sur y el este de Europa, en particular los italianos, eslavos y judíos, que habían comenzado a ingresar al país en grandes cantidades a partir de la década de 1890. [43] El sistema de cuotas temporales fue reemplazado por la Fórmula de Orígenes Nacionales de la Ley de Inmigración de 1924 , que calculaba las cuotas nacionales como una fracción de 150.000 en proporción a los orígenes nacionales de toda la población blanca estadounidense a partir del censo de 1920 , excepto aquellos que tenían orígenes en los países sin cuotas del hemisferio occidental (que permanecieron sin restricciones). [44] [45]
Orígenes de la población inmigrante en 1920
La Fórmula de Orígenes Nacionales fue un cálculo único que intentó medir las contribuciones totales de "sangre" de cada origen nacional como proporción del stock total de estadounidenses blancos en 1920, contando inmigrantes, hijos de inmigrantes y nietos de inmigrantes (y generaciones posteriores), además de estimar el stock colonial descendiente de la población que había inmigrado en el período colonial y que fue enumerada en el censo de 1790. Los estadounidenses europeos siguieron siendo predominantes, aunque hubo cambios hacia el sur , centro y este de Europa a partir de la inmigración en el período de 1790 a 1920. La fórmula determinó que la ascendencia derivada de Gran Bretaña representaba más del 40% del acervo genético estadounidense, seguida de la ascendencia alemana con el 16%, luego la ascendencia irlandesa con el 11%. El restrictivo sistema de cuotas de inmigración establecido por la Ley de Inmigración de 1924 , revisado y reafirmado por la Ley de Inmigración y Nacionalidad de 1952 , buscó preservar esta composición demográfica de los Estados Unidos asignando cuotas en proporción a la cantidad de sangre que cada origen nacional había aportado al stock total de la población en 1920, como se presenta a continuación: [28]
Inmigrantes polacos trabajando en una granja en 1909; el sistema de bienestar social era prácticamente inexistente antes de la década de 1930 y las presiones económicas sobre los pobres estaban dando lugar al trabajo infantil.
Los patrones de inmigración de la década de 1930 se vieron afectados por la Gran Depresión . En el último año próspero, 1929, se registraron 279.678 inmigrantes, [47] pero en 1933, solo 23.068 se mudaron a los EE. UU . [30] A principios de la década de 1930, más personas emigraron de los Estados Unidos que hacia él. [48] El gobierno de los EE. UU. patrocinó un programa de repatriación mexicana que tenía la intención de alentar a las personas a mudarse voluntariamente a México, pero miles fueron deportados contra su voluntad. [49] En total, aproximadamente 400.000 mexicanos fueron repatriados; la mitad de ellos eran ciudadanos estadounidenses. [50] A la mayoría de los refugiados judíos que huyeron de los nazis y la Segunda Guerra Mundial se les prohibió venir a los Estados Unidos. [51] En la era de la posguerra, el Departamento de Justicia lanzó la Operación Wetback , bajo la cual 1.075.168 mexicanos fueron deportados en 1954. [52]
Desde 1965
Baúles de inmigrantes de Suecia a finales del siglo XIX (a la izquierda) y de un campo de refugiados en Tailandia en 1993 (a la derecha)El barrio chino de Boston en 2008En las últimas décadas, la inmigración a casi todos los países occidentales ha aumentado considerablemente: en Estados Unidos, el 9% (1990) y el 15% (2020) de la población nació en el extranjero. [53] Las pendientes de las partes superiores de las columnas de diferentes colores muestran la tasa de aumento porcentual de las personas nacidas en el extranjero que viven en los respectivos países.
La Ley de Inmigración y Nacionalidad de 1965 , también conocida como la Ley Hart-Cellar, abolió el sistema de cuotas de origen nacional. Al igualar las políticas de inmigración, la ley dio lugar a una nueva inmigración de naciones no europeas, lo que cambió la demografía étnica de los Estados Unidos . [54] En 1970, el 60% de los inmigrantes eran de Europa; esta cifra se redujo al 15% en 2000. [55]
En 1986, el presidente Ronald Reagan firmó una reforma migratoria que dio amnistía a tres millones de inmigrantes indocumentados en el país. [56]
En 1990, George HW Bush firmó la Ley de Inmigración de 1990 , [57] que aumentó la inmigración legal a los Estados Unidos en un 40%. [58] En 1991, Bush firmó la Ley de Ajuste de Inmigración de las Fuerzas Armadas de 1991 , permitiendo a los miembros del servicio extranjero que habían servido 12 o más años en las Fuerzas Armadas de los EE. UU. calificar para la residencia permanente y, en algunos casos, la ciudadanía.
En noviembre de 1994, los votantes de California aprobaron la Proposición 187 , que modificaba la constitución estatal y negaba la ayuda financiera estatal a los inmigrantes ilegales. Los tribunales federales anularon este cambio, al considerar que violaba la constitución federal. [59]
Designada por el presidente Bill Clinton , [60] la Comisión de Reforma de la Inmigración de los Estados Unidos recomendó reducir la inmigración legal de unas 800.000 personas por año a aproximadamente 550.000. [61] Si bien la afluencia de nuevos residentes de diferentes culturas presenta algunos desafíos, "Estados Unidos siempre se ha visto energizado por sus poblaciones inmigrantes", dijo el presidente Bill Clinton en 1998. "Estados Unidos ha sacado constantemente fuerza y espíritu de ola tras ola de inmigrantes ... Han demostrado ser las personas más inquietas, las más aventureras, las más innovadoras, las más trabajadoras". [62]
En 2001, el presidente George W. Bush discutió un acuerdo con el presidente mexicano Vicente Fox . Debido a los ataques del 11 de septiembre , el posible acuerdo no se produjo. De 2005 a 2013, el Congreso de Estados Unidos discutió varias formas de controlar la inmigración. El Senado y la Cámara de Representantes no pudieron llegar a un acuerdo. [59]
Casi 8 millones de personas inmigraron a los Estados Unidos entre 2000 y 2005; 3,7 millones de ellas entraron sin papeles. [63] [64] Los inmigrantes hispanos sufrieron pérdidas de empleos durante la recesión de finales de la década de 2000, [65] pero desde el final de la recesión en junio de 2009, los inmigrantes registraron una ganancia neta de 656.000 empleos. [66]
Casi 14 millones de inmigrantes entraron a los Estados Unidos entre 2000 y 2010, [67] y más de un millón de personas se naturalizaron como ciudadanos estadounidenses en 2008. El límite por país [8] aplica el mismo máximo en el número de visas a todos los países independientemente de su población y, por lo tanto, ha tenido el efecto de restringir significativamente la inmigración de personas nacidas en naciones populosas como México, China, India y Filipinas, los principales países de origen de los inmigrantes admitidos legalmente en los Estados Unidos en 2013; [68] sin embargo, China, India y México fueron los principales países de origen de los inmigrantes en general a los Estados Unidos en 2013, independientemente del estatus legal, según un estudio de la Oficina del Censo de los Estados Unidos . [69]
En 2011 se concedió la residencia legal a más de un millón de inmigrantes. [70]
Para quienes ingresan ilegalmente a los Estados Unidos a través de la frontera entre México y los Estados Unidos y otros lugares, la migración es difícil, costosa y peligrosa. [71] Prácticamente todos los inmigrantes indocumentados no tienen vías para ingresar legalmente a los Estados Unidos debido a los límites legales restrictivos de las tarjetas verdes y la falta de visas de inmigrante para trabajadores poco calificados. [72] Los participantes en los debates sobre inmigración a principios del siglo XXI pidieron aumentar la aplicación de las leyes existentes que rigen la inmigración ilegal a los Estados Unidos , construir una barrera a lo largo de parte o la totalidad de las 2000 millas (3200 km) de frontera entre México y los Estados Unidos, o crear un nuevo programa de trabajadores invitados . Durante gran parte de 2006, el país y el Congreso participaron en un debate sobre estas propuestas. En abril de 2010, [update]pocas de estas propuestas se habían convertido en ley, aunque se había aprobado y posteriormente cancelado una valla fronteriza parcial. [73]
Intentos de reforma modernos
A partir de Ronald Reagan en la década de 1980, los presidentes de ambos partidos políticos han aumentado de manera constante el número de agentes de patrulla fronteriza e instituido medidas punitivas más severas para las violaciones de las leyes de inmigración. Algunos ejemplos de estas políticas incluyen la Ley de Reforma y Control de la Inmigración de Ronald Reagan de 1986 y la estrategia de Prevención a través de la Disuasión de la era Clinton . El sociólogo Douglas Massey ha sostenido que estas políticas han tenido éxito en generar una percepción de control fronterizo, pero han fracasado en gran medida en la prevención de la emigración desde América Latina. Cabe destacar que, en lugar de reducir la inmigración ilegal, el aumento de los agentes de patrulla fronteriza redujo la migración circular a través de la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, aumentando así la población de hispanos en Estados Unidos [74].
Los presidentes de ambos partidos han empleado una retórica antiinmigrante para atraer a su base política o para obtener apoyo bipartidista para sus políticas. Mientras que republicanos como Reagan y Donald Trump han sido los primeros en calificar a los inmigrantes hispanos de criminales, Douglas Massey señala que "el momento actual de racismo y xenofobia abiertos no podría haber ocurrido sin la aquiescencia demócrata". [75] Por ejemplo, mientras presionaba para su proyecto de ley de inmigración de 1986, Reagan enmarcó la inmigración no autorizada como un problema de "seguridad nacional" y advirtió que "los terroristas y subversivos están a sólo dos días de viaje" de la frontera. [75] Presidentes posteriores, incluidos los demócratas Bill Clinton y Barack Obama, utilizaron una retórica de "seguridad" similar en sus esfuerzos por cortejar el apoyo republicano para una reforma migratoria integral. En su discurso sobre el Estado de la Unión de 2013, Obama dijo que "una verdadera reforma significa una fuerte seguridad fronteriza, y podemos aprovechar el progreso que mi administración ya ha logrado: poner más tropas en la frontera sur que en cualquier otro momento de nuestra historia". [76]
Políticas de la administración Trump
El ICE informa que expulsó a 240.255 inmigrantes en el año fiscal 2016, así como a 226.119 en el año fiscal 2017 y a 256.085 en el año fiscal 2018. Los ciudadanos de países centroamericanos (incluido México) representaron más del 90% de las expulsiones en el año fiscal 2017 y más del 80% en el año fiscal 2018. [77]
En enero de 2017, el presidente estadounidense Donald Trump firmó una orden ejecutiva que suspendía temporalmente la entrada a Estados Unidos de ciudadanos de siete países de mayoría musulmana . Fue reemplazada por otra orden ejecutiva en marzo de 2017 y por una proclamación presidencial en septiembre de 2017, con varios cambios en la lista de países y exenciones. [78] Las órdenes fueron suspendidas temporalmente por tribunales federales, pero luego la Corte Suprema permitió que siguieran adelante, a la espera de una decisión definitiva sobre su legalidad. [79] Otra orden ejecutiva exigía la construcción inmediata de un muro en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México , la contratación de 5000 nuevos agentes de patrulla fronteriza y 10 000 nuevos oficiales de inmigración, y sanciones de financiación federal para las ciudades santuario . [80]
La política de “tolerancia cero” se puso en marcha en 2018, lo que permite legalmente separar a los niños de los adultos que ingresan ilegalmente a los Estados Unidos. Esto se justifica etiquetando a todos los adultos que ingresan ilegalmente como delincuentes, lo que los somete a un proceso penal. [81] La administración Trump también argumentó que su política tenía precedentes durante la administración Obama, que había abierto centros de detención familiar en respuesta a que los migrantes usaban cada vez más a los niños como una forma de hacer que los adultos ingresaran al país. Sin embargo, la administración Obama detuvo a las familias juntas en detención administrativa, en lugar de penal. [82] [83]
Otras políticas se centraron en lo que significa para un solicitante de asilo alegar temor creíble. [84] Para reducir aún más la cantidad de solicitantes de asilo en los Estados Unidos, el Fiscal General Jeff Sessions emitió una decisión que restringe a quienes huyen de la violencia de pandillas y el abuso doméstico como "delitos privados", por lo que sus solicitudes no son elegibles para el asilo. [85] Estas nuevas políticas que se habían puesto en marcha fueron controvertidas por poner en riesgo las vidas de los solicitantes de asilo, hasta el punto de que la ACLU demandó a Jeff Sessions junto con otros miembros de la Administración Trump. La ACLU afirmó que las políticas puestas en marcha por la Administración Trump socavaban los derechos humanos fundamentales de quienes inmigraban a los Estados Unidos, específicamente las mujeres. También afirmaron que estas políticas violaban décadas de leyes de asilo establecidas. [86]
En enero de 2023, en relación con la crisis fronteriza entre México y Estados Unidos , Joe Biden anunció una nueva política migratoria que permitiría el ingreso de 30.000 migrantes al mes de Cuba, Haití, Nicaragua y Venezuela [89], pero también expulsaría a los migrantes de aquellos países que violen las leyes migratorias estadounidenses. [90] La política ha enfrentado críticas de "defensores de la reforma migratoria y abogados que denuncian cualquier expansión del Título 42". [89]
El 31 de octubre de 2023, el secretario de Seguridad Nacional, Alejandro Mayorkas, testificó ante el Comité de Seguridad Nacional del Senado que más de 600.000 personas ingresaron ilegalmente a los Estados Unidos sin ser detenidas por agentes fronterizos durante el año fiscal 2023. [91] [92]
En el año fiscal 2022, más de un millón de inmigrantes (la mayoría de los cuales ingresaron a través de la reunificación familiar ) obtuvieron la residencia legal , [93] frente a los 707.000 en 2020. [94]
Reforma de la seguridad fronteriza y el asilo en la Ley de Asignaciones Suplementarias para la Seguridad Nacional de Emergencia de 2024
La Ley de Asignaciones Suplementarias de Seguridad Nacional de Emergencia de 2024 representa un cambio en el sistema de inmigración , con el foco puesto en fortalecer la seguridad fronteriza y mejorar los procesos de asilo. Este proyecto de ley, respaldado por ambos senadores republicanos y respaldado por el presidente Biden, busca abordar el aumento de cruces fronterizos en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México revolucionando la forma en que las autoridades fronterizas procesan a los migrantes y solicitantes de asilo . Más específicamente, los funcionarios de asilo considerarán ciertas prohibiciones al asilo durante las entrevistas de selección, que anteriormente solo eran consideradas por los jueces de inmigración. La legislación tiene como objetivo agilizar las disposiciones para una gestión eficaz.
La ley propuesta introduce un procedimiento de asilo en la frontera de los EE. UU ., donde los oficiales de asilo del Servicio de Ciudadanía e Inmigración de los EE. UU. (USCIS) pueden revisar las solicitudes de asilo a un ritmo más rápido. Este nuevo proceso, llamado procedimientos de deportación, se detalla en una nueva sección de la Ley de Inmigración y Nacionalidad (INA), específicamente la Sección 235B. [95] El proyecto de ley establece un estándar para pasar una evaluación de asilo al requerir un estándar de "posibilidad razonable" en lugar del estándar anterior de "miedo creíble". Exigiendo más evidencia en las etapas de evaluación preliminar al mismo nivel necesario para una audiencia completa. En particular, excluyó a las personas detenidas entre los puertos de entrada de la elegibilidad para el asilo, excepto bajo excepciones estrechas. [96] Este ajuste hace que sea más difícil para los solicitantes de asilo calificar para una audiencia frente a un juez de inmigración y ha planteado preguntas con respecto a posibles violaciones contra el derecho a buscar asilo y el debido proceso .
Además, la legislación establece una autoridad de expulsión de emergencia que faculta al Departamento para expulsar a migrantes y solicitantes de asilo en épocas de "circunstancias migratorias extraordinarias". Cuando el promedio de siete días de encuentros entre puertos de entrada supera los 2.500, las restricciones entran en vigor. [97] Las restricciones continúan hasta que el promedio cae por debajo de los 1.500 durante 14 días consecutivos. Si esto ocurre, el Secretario del DHS puede enviar rápidamente a los migrantes de regreso a su país de origen a menos que puedan demostrar que enfrentan un riesgo de persecución o tortura.
La legislación propuesta implica alrededor de $18.3 mil millones en fondos para el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional (DHS) para implementar las políticas fronterizas y los cambios en el proceso de asilo. Además, designa $2.3 mil millones para apoyar a los refugiados que llegan a través del programa "Asistencia para refugiados y entrantes". [95] El programa en sí está diseñado para financiar una amplia gama de servicios sociales para los refugiados recién llegados, tanto a través de los estados como de subvenciones de servicios directos. El proyecto de ley describe disposiciones para otorgar estatus a los aliados que salvaguardan a la mayoría de los "Dreamers documentados" y emiten 250.000 visas de inmigrante adicionales. [98] Introduce un programa de repatriación que permite a los solicitantes de asilo ir a sus países de origen en cualquier momento durante los procedimientos. La legislación propuesta también contiene cláusulas que no afectan las iniciativas de libertad condicional humanitaria de la administración Biden, para personas de Venezuela , Cuba , Haití y Nicaragua . [99] A estas personas se les concede aprobación para viajar y un período temporal de libertad condicional en los Estados Unidos.
Orígenes de la población inmigrante de Estados Unidos, 1960-2016
Nota: “Otras América Latina” incluye América Central, América del Sur y el Caribe.
Según el Departamento de Estado, en el año fiscal 2016, 84.988 refugiados fueron aceptados en Estados Unidos desde todo el mundo. En el año fiscal 2017, 53.691 refugiados fueron aceptados en Estados Unidos. Hubo una disminución significativa después de que Trump asumiera el cargo; continuó en el año fiscal 2018, cuando solo 22.405 refugiados fueron aceptados en Estados Unidos. Esto muestra una caída masiva en la aceptación de refugiados desde que la Administración Trump está en el poder. [106] [ ¿ Investigación original? ]
El 26 de septiembre de 2019, la administración Trump anunció que planeaba permitir que solo 18.000 refugiados se reasentaran en los Estados Unidos en el año fiscal 2020, su nivel más bajo desde que comenzó el programa moderno en 1980. [107] [108] [109] [110]
En 2020, la administración Trump anunció que planeaba reducir las admisiones de refugiados en Estados Unidos para 2021 a un mínimo histórico de 15.000 refugiados, frente al límite de 18.000 para 2020, lo que convierte a 2021 en el cuarto año consecutivo de disminución de las admisiones de refugiados bajo el mandato de Trump. [111] [112] [113]
La administración Biden se comprometió a acoger a 125.000 refugiados en 2024. [114]
Inmigración contemporánea
La inmigración legal a los Estados Unidos a lo largo del tiempoUna ceremonia de naturalización en Salem, Massachusetts en 2007
A partir de 2018 [update], aproximadamente la mitad de los inmigrantes que viven en los Estados Unidos son de México y otros países latinoamericanos. [117] Muchos centroamericanos huyen debido a las desesperadas circunstancias sociales y económicas en sus países. Algunos creen que la gran cantidad de refugiados centroamericanos que llegan a los Estados Unidos puede explicarse como un "retroceso" a políticas como las intervenciones militares de los Estados Unidos y las operaciones encubiertas que instalaron o mantuvieron en el poder a líderes autoritarios aliados con ricos terratenientes y corporaciones multinacionales que detienen la agricultura familiar y los esfuerzos democráticos, que han causado una desigualdad social drásticamente aguda, una pobreza a gran escala y un crimen desenfrenado. [118] La austeridad económica dictada por las políticas neoliberales impuestas por el Fondo Monetario Internacional y su aliado, los EE. UU., También se ha citado como un impulsor de las terribles condiciones sociales y económicas, al igual que la " Guerra contra las Drogas " de los EE. UU. , que se ha entendido como un factor que alimenta la violencia de pandillas asesinas en la región. [119] Otro factor importante de la migración desde América Central (Guatemala, Honduras y El Salvador) son las pérdidas de cosechas, que son (en parte) causadas por el cambio climático . [120] [121] [122] [123] "El debate actual ... es casi totalmente sobre qué hacer con los inmigrantes cuando llegan aquí. Pero el gorila de 400 kilos que falta en la mesa es lo que hemos estado haciendo allí que los trae aquí, que los impulsa aquí", según Jeff Faux , un economista que es un miembro distinguido del Instituto de Política Económica .
Hasta la década de 1930, la mayoría de los inmigrantes legales eran hombres. En la década de 1990, las mujeres representaban poco más de la mitad de todos los inmigrantes legales. [124] Los inmigrantes contemporáneos tienden a ser más jóvenes que la población nativa de los Estados Unidos, y las personas de entre 15 y 34 años están sustancialmente sobrerrepresentadas. [125] Los inmigrantes también tienen más probabilidades de estar casados y menos probabilidades de estar divorciados que los estadounidenses nativos de la misma edad. [126]
Los inmigrantes tienden a mudarse y vivir en áreas pobladas por personas con antecedentes similares. Este fenómeno se ha mantenido a lo largo de la historia de la inmigración a los Estados Unidos. [127] Siete de cada diez inmigrantes encuestados por Public Agenda en 2009 dijeron que tenían la intención de hacer de los EE. UU. su hogar permanente, y el 71% dijo que si pudieran hacerlo de nuevo, volverían a los EE. UU. En el mismo estudio, el 76% de los inmigrantes dicen que el gobierno se ha vuelto más estricto en la aplicación de las leyes de inmigración desde los ataques del 11 de septiembre ("9/11"), y el 24% informa que personalmente han experimentado algún grado o mucha discriminación. [128]
Las actitudes públicas sobre la inmigración en los Estados Unidos se vieron fuertemente influenciadas por los ataques del 11 de septiembre. Después de los ataques, el 52% de los estadounidenses creía que la inmigración era algo bueno en general para los Estados Unidos, en comparación con el 62% del año anterior, según una encuesta de Gallup de 2009. [129] Una encuesta de la Agenda Pública de 2008 encontró que la mitad de los estadounidenses dijo que un control más estricto de la inmigración haría "mucho" por mejorar la seguridad nacional de los Estados Unidos. [130] El politólogo e historiador de Harvard Samuel P. Huntington sostuvo en su libro de 2004 Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity que una posible consecuencia futura de la continua inmigración masiva desde América Latina, especialmente México, podría llevar a la bifurcación de los Estados Unidos. [131] [132]
La población estimada de inmigrantes mexicanos ilegales en los EE.UU. disminuyó de aproximadamente 7 millones en 2007 a 6,1 millones en 2011 [133] Los comentaristas vinculan la reversión de la tendencia de la inmigración a la crisis económica que comenzó en 2008 y que significó menos empleos disponibles, y a la introducción de duras leyes de inmigración en muchos estados. [134] [135] [136] [137] Según el Pew Hispanic Center , la inmigración neta de personas nacidas en México se había estancado en 2010, y tendía a entrar en cifras negativas. [138]
Estados Unidos admitió a más inmigrantes legales entre 1991 y 2000, entre diez y once millones, que en cualquier década anterior. En la década más reciente, [ ¿cuándo? ] los 10 millones de inmigrantes legales que se establecieron en Estados Unidos representan aproximadamente un tercio del crecimiento anual, ya que la población estadounidense aumentó en 32 millones (de 249 millones a 281 millones). En comparación, la década anterior con mayor número de inmigrantes fue la de 1900, cuando llegaron 8,8 millones de personas, lo que aumentó la población total de Estados Unidos en un uno por ciento cada año. En concreto, "casi el 15% de los estadounidenses habían nacido en el extranjero en 1910, mientras que en 1999, sólo alrededor del 10% habían nacido en el extranjero". [154]
En 1970, los inmigrantes representaban el 4,7 por ciento de la población de Estados Unidos y aumentaron al 6,2 por ciento en 1980, con un estimado del 12,5 por ciento en 2009. [155] En 2010 [update], el 25 por ciento de los residentes de Estados Unidos menores de 18 años eran inmigrantes de primera o segunda generación. [156] El ocho por ciento de todos los bebés nacidos en Estados Unidos en 2008 pertenecían a padres inmigrantes ilegales, según un análisis reciente [ ¿cuándo? ] de los datos de la Oficina del Censo de Estados Unidos realizado por el Pew Hispanic Center. [157]
La inmigración legal a los Estados Unidos aumentó de 250.000 en la década de 1930, a 2,5 millones en la década de 1950, a 4,5 millones en la década de 1970 y a 7,3 millones en la década de 1980, antes de estabilizarse en alrededor de 10 millones en la década de 1990. [158] Desde 2000, los inmigrantes legales a los Estados Unidos suman aproximadamente 1.000.000 por año, de los cuales alrededor de 600.000 son Cambio de Estatus que ya están en los Estados Unidos. Los inmigrantes legales a los Estados Unidos ahora [ ¿cuándo? ] están en su nivel más alto de la historia, con poco más de 37.000.000 de inmigrantes legales. En los informes de 2005-2006, las estimaciones de la inmigración ilegal oscilaron entre 700.000 y 1.500.000 por año. [159] [160] La inmigración provocó un aumento del 57,4% en la población nacida en el extranjero entre 1990 y 2000. [161]
La inmigración de personas nacidas en el extranjero ha provocado que la población de Estados Unidos continúe su rápido aumento: la población nacida en el extranjero se duplicó de casi 20 millones en 1990 a más de 47 millones en 2015. [162] En 2018, había casi 90 millones de inmigrantes e hijos de inmigrantes nacidos en Estados Unidos ( estadounidenses de segunda generación ) en los Estados Unidos, lo que representa el 28% de la población total de Estados Unidos. [163]
Aunque la inmigración ha aumentado drásticamente durante el siglo XX, la proporción de inmigrantes nacidos en el extranjero es, con un 13,4%, sólo ligeramente inferior a la que era en su punto máximo en 1910, con un 14,7%. Se pueden atribuir varios factores a la disminución de la representación de residentes nacidos en el extranjero en los Estados Unidos. El más significativo ha sido el cambio en la composición de los inmigrantes: antes de 1890, el 82% de los inmigrantes provenían de Europa del Norte y del Oeste. De 1891 a 1920, esa cifra se redujo al 25%, con un aumento de los inmigrantes de Europa del Este, Central y del Sur, que sumaron un 64%. La animosidad hacia estos inmigrantes étnicamente diferentes aumentó en los Estados Unidos, lo que dio lugar a una gran cantidad de leyes para limitar la inmigración en el siglo XX. [164]
Origen
Población de Estados Unidos nacida en el extranjero en 2017 por país de nacimientoInmigrantes a Estados Unidos entre 2012 y 2016 por cada mil habitantes de cada país de origen
Población nacida en el extranjero en los Estados Unidos en 2019 por país de nacimiento [152] [172]
^ abcdefghijklmnopqrstu vwxyz aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi bj bk bl bm bn bo bp bq br bs bt bu bv bw bx por bz ca cb cc cd ce cf cg ch ci cj ck cl cm cn co cp cq cr cs ct cu cv cw cx cy cz da db dc dd de df dg dh di dj dk dl dm dn do dp dq dr ds dt du dv dw dx dy dz ea eb ec ed ee ef eg eh ei ej ek el em en eo ep eq er es et eu ev ew ex ey ez fa fb fc fd fe ff fg fh fi fj fk fl fm fn fo fp fq fr fs ft fu fv fw fx fy fz ga gb gc gd ge gf gg gh gi No se cuentan por separado; se agregan en la categoría "Otros"
^ abcdefghijklmnopqrstu v Los datos proceden del documento de la Oficina del Censo de los EE. UU. de 2006 que se cita. Los números de este país no figuran en el documento de la Oficina del Censo de 1965.
^ abcdefghijklmnopqrstu vwxyz aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi bj bk bl bm bn La información proviene del documento del censo de EE. UU. de 2006 .
^ La información proviene del documento del censo de EE. UU. de 2006. Belice no era un país independiente en ese momento y se conocía como Honduras Británica.
^ Excluyendo Hong Kong y también Taiwán (República de China).
La inmigración a los Estados Unidos aumenta significativamente la población. La Oficina del Censo estima que la población de los Estados Unidos aumentará de 317 millones en 2014 a 417 millones en 2060 con la inmigración, cuando casi el 20% será nacido en el extranjero. [173] En particular, la población de hispanoamericanos y asiáticos aumenta significativamente por la inmigración, y se espera que ambas poblaciones experimenten un crecimiento importante. [174] [175] En general, el Informe Pew predice que la población de los Estados Unidos aumentará de 296 millones en 2005 a 441 millones en 2065, pero solo a 338 millones sin inmigración. [174] La prevalencia de la segregación de inmigrantes ha puesto en tela de juicio la precisión de describir a los Estados Unidos como un crisol de culturas . [176] [177] La inmigración a los Estados Unidos también ha aumentado la diversidad religiosa, con el Islam , el hinduismo , el budismo y el sijismo creciendo en los Estados Unidos debido a la inmigración. [178] Los cambios demográficos como resultado de la inmigración han afectado las afiliaciones políticas. Los inmigrantes tienen más probabilidades que los nativos de apoyar al Partido Demócrata . [54] [179] [180] Los grupos de interés que presionan a favor y en contra de la inmigración desempeñan un papel en la política de inmigración, siendo los grupos religiosos, étnicos y empresariales los que más probablemente presionan en cuestiones de inmigración. [181] [182]
Immigrants have not been found to increase crime in the United States, and immigrants overall are associated with lower crime rates than natives.[14][15][16][183] Some research even suggests that increases in immigration may partly explain the reduction in the U.S. crime rate.[184][185] According to one study, sanctuary cities—which adopt policies designed to not prosecute people solely for being an illegal immigrant—have no statistically meaningful effect on crime.[186] Research suggests that police practices, such as racial profiling, over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of immigrants among crime suspects.[187][188][189][190] Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for immigrants.[191][192][193][194][195]Crimmigration has emerged as a field in which critical immigration scholars conceptualize the current immigration law enforcement system.[196]
Increased immigration to the United States has historically caused discrimination and racial unrest.[citation needed] Areas with higher minority populations may be subject to increased policing[187][188][197][190] and harsher sentencing.[191][192][193][194][195] Faculty in educational facilities have been found to be more responsive toward white students,[198] though affirmative action policies may cause colleges to favor minority applicants.[199] Evidence also shows the existence of racial discrimination in the housing market[200][201][202] and the labor market.[200][203][204] Discrimination also exists between different immigrant groups.[205][206] According to a 2018 study of longitudinal earnings, most immigrants economically assimilate into the United States within a span of 20 years, matching the economic situations of non-immigrants of similar race and ethnicity.[207]
Immigration has been found to have little impact on the health of natives.[208] Researchers have also found what is known as the "healthy immigrant effect", in which immigrants in general tend to be healthier than individuals born in the U.S.[209][210] However, some illnesses are believed to have been introduced to the United States or caused to increase by immigration.[211] Immigrants are more likely than native-born Americans to have a medical visit labeled uncompensated care.[212]
A significant proportion of American scientists and engineers are immigrants. Graduate students are more likely to be immigrants than undergraduate students, as immigrants often complete undergraduate training in their native country before immigrating.[213] 33% of all U.S. PhDs in science and engineering were awarded to foreign-born graduate students as of 2004.[214]
High-skilled immigration and low-skilled immigration have both been found to make economic conditions better for the average immigrant[215] and the average American.[216][217] The overall impact of immigration on the economy tends to be minimal.[218][219] Research suggests that diversity has a net positive effect on productivity[220][221] and economic prosperity.[222][223][224] Contributions by immigrants through taxation and the economy have been found to exceed the cost of services they use.[225][226][227] Overall immigration has not had much effect on native wage inequality[228][229] but low-skill immigration has been linked to greater income inequality in the native population.[230] Labor unions have historically opposed immigration over economic concerns.[231]
Immigrants have also been found to raise economic productivity, as they are more likely to take jobs that natives are unwilling to do.[232] Research indicates that immigrants are more likely to work in risky jobs than U.S.-born workers, partly due to differences in average characteristics, such as immigrants' lower English language ability and educational attainment.[233] Refugees have been found to integrate more slowly into the labor market than other immigrants, but they have also been found to increase government revenue overall.[234][235][236] Immigration has also been correlated with increased innovation and entrepreneurship, and immigrants are more likely to start businesses than Native Americans.[237][238][239]
Undocumented immigrants have also been found to have a positive effect on economic conditions in the United States.[227][240][241] According to NPR in 2005, about 3% of illegal immigrants were working in agriculture,[242] and the H-2A visa allows U.S. employers to bring foreign nationals to the United States to fill temporary agricultural jobs.[243] States that imposed harsher immigration laws were found to suffer significant economic losses.[244][245]
In May 2024, research conducted at Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City suggested that immigration to the United States surged during 2022-2023 and the inflow of migrants to the country put downward pressure on US wage growth and job vacancy rates. The study showed that from Dec 2021 to Dec 2023 there existed a negative correlation between an industry's migrant employment growth and wage growth: an increase in migrant employment growth of 1 percentage point lead to a 0.7 percentage point reduction in wage growth. It was found that an increase in employment growth, stemming from migrant workers, of 1 percentage point lead to a 0.5 percentage point reduction in job vacancy rates.[246]
Public opinion
History of immigration enforcement actions, as reported by the Department of Homeland Security[247]Apprehensions between ports of entry, annually by federal fiscal year since 2020[248]
The largely ambivalent feeling of Americans toward immigrants is shown by a positive attitude toward groups that have been visible for a century or more, and much more negative attitude toward recent arrivals. For example, a 1982 national poll by the Roper Center at the University of Connecticut showed respondents a card listing a number of groups and asked, "Thinking both of what they have contributed to this country and have gotten from this country, for each one tell me whether you think, on balance, they've been a good or a bad thing for this country", which produced the results shown in the table. "By high margins, Americans are telling pollsters it was a very good thing that Poles, Italians, and Jews immigrated to America. Once again, it's the newcomers who are viewed with suspicion. This time, it's the Mexicans, the Filipinos, and the people from the Caribbean who make Americans nervous."[249][250]
In a 2002 study, which took place soon after the September 11 attacks, 55% of Americans favored decreasing legal immigration, 27% favored keeping it at the same level, and 15% favored increasing it.[251]
In 2006, the immigration-reduction advocacy think tank the Center for Immigration Studies released a poll that found that 68% of Americans think U.S. immigration levels are too high, and just 2% said they are too low. They also found that 70% said they are less likely to vote for candidates that favor increasing legal immigration.[252] In 2004, 55% of Americans believed legal immigration should remain at the current level or increased and 41% said it should be decreased.[253] The less contact a native-born American has with immigrants, the more likely they would have a negative view of immigrants.[253]
One of the most important factors regarding public opinion about immigration is the level of unemployment; anti-immigrant sentiment is where unemployment is highest, and vice versa.[254]
Surveys indicate that the U.S. public consistently makes a sharp distinction between legal and illegal immigrants, and generally views those perceived as "playing by the rules" with more sympathy than immigrants who have entered the country illegally.[255]
According to a Gallup poll in July 2015, immigration is the fourth-most important problem facing the United States and seven percent of Americans said it was the most important problem facing America today.[256] In March 2015, another Gallup poll provided insight into American public opinion on immigration; the poll revealed that 39% of people worried about immigration "a great deal".[257] A January poll showed that only 33% of Americans were satisfied with the current state of immigration in America.[258]
Before 2012, a majority of Americans supported securing United States borders compared to dealing with illegal immigrants in the United States. In 2013, that trend has reversed and 55% of people polled by Gallup revealed that they would choose "developing a plan to deal with immigrants who are currently in the U.S. illegally". Changes regarding border control are consistent across party lines, with the percentage of Republicans saying that "securing U.S. borders to halt flow of illegal immigrants" is extremely important decreasing from 68% in 2011 to 56% in 2014. Meanwhile, Democrats who chose extremely important shifted from 42% in 2011 to 31% in 2014.[259] In July 2013, 87% of Americans said they would vote in support of a law that would "allow immigrants already in the country to become U.S. citizens if they meet certain requirements including paying taxes, having a criminal background check and learning English". However, in the same survey, 83% also said they would support the tightening of U.S. border security.[260]
Donald Trump's campaign for presidency focused on a rhetoric of reducing illegal immigration and toughening border security. In July 2015, 48% of Americans thought that Donald Trump would do a poor job of handling immigration problems. In November 2016, 55% of Trump's voters thought that he would do the right thing regarding illegal immigration. In general, Trump supporters are not united upon how to handle immigration. In December 2016, Trump voters were polled and 60% said that "undocumented immigrants in the U.S. who meet certain requirements should be allowed to stay legally".[261]
American opinion regarding how immigrants affect the country and how the government should respond to illegal immigration have changed over time. In 2006, out of all U.S. adults surveyed, 28% declared that they believed the growing number of immigrants helped American workers and 55% believed that it hurt American workers. In 2016, those views had changed, with 42% believing that they helped and 45% believing that they hurt.[262] The PRRI 2015 American Values Atlas showed that between 46% and 53% of Americans believed that "the growing number of newcomers from other countries ... strengthens American society". In the same year, between 57% and 66% of Americans chose that the U.S. should "allow [immigrants living in the U.S. illegally] a way to become citizens provided they meet certain requirements".[263]
In February 2017, the American Enterprise Institute released a report on recent surveys about immigration issues. In July 2016, 63% of Americans favored the temporary bans of immigrants from areas with high levels of terrorism and 53% said the U.S. should allow fewer refugees to enter the country. In November 2016, 55% of Americans were opposed to building a border wall with Mexico. Since 1994, Pew Research center has tracked a change from 63% of Americans saying that immigrants are a burden on the country to 27%.[264]
The Trump administration's zero-tolerance policy was reacted to negatively by the public. One of the main concerns was how detained children of illegal immigrants were treated. Due to very poor conditions, a campaign was begun called "Close the Camps".[265] Detainment facilities were compared to concentration and internment camps.[266][267]
After the 2021 evacuation from Afghanistan in August 2021, an NPR/Ipsos poll (±4.6%) found 69% of Americans supported resettling in the United States Afghans who had worked with the U.S., with 65% support for Afghans who "fear repression or persecution from the Taliban".[268] There was lower support for other refugees: 59% for those "fleeing from civil strife and violence in Africa", 56% for those "fleeing from violence in Syria and Libya", and 56% for "Central Americans fleeing violence and poverty". 57% supported the Trump-era Remain in Mexico policy, and 55% supported legalizing the status of those illegally brought to the U.S. as children (as proposed in the DREAM Act).
Religious responses
Religious figures in the United States have stated their views on the topic of immigration as informed by their religious traditions.
Catholicism – In 2018, Catholic leaders stated that asylum-limiting laws proposed by the Trump administration were immoral. Some bishops considered imposing sanctions (known as "canonical penalties") on church members who have participated in enforcing such policies.[269]
Judaism – American Jewish rabbis from various denominations have stated that their understanding of Judaism is that immigrants and refugees should be welcomed, and even assisted. The exception would be if there is significant economic hardship or security issues faced by the host country or community, in which case immigration may be limited, discouraged or even prohibited altogether.[270] Some liberal denominations place more emphasis on the welcoming of immigrants, while Conservative, Orthodox and Independent rabbis also consider economic and security concerns.[271] Some provide moral arguments for both the right of country to enforce immigration standards as well as for providing some sort of amnesty for illegal migrants.[272]
Legal issues
A U.S. green card, a document confirming permanent resident status for eligible immigrants, including refugees, political asylum seekers, family-sponsored migrants, employment-based workers, and diversity immigrants
Refugees are able to gain legal status in the United States through asylum, and a specified number of legally defined refugees, who either apply for asylum overseas or after arriving in the U.S., are admitted annually.[quantify][citation needed] In 2014, the number of asylum seekers accepted into the U.S. was about 120,000. By comparison, about 31,000 were accepted in the UK and 13,500 in Canada.[275] Asylum offices in the United States receive more applications for asylum than they can process every month and every year, and these continuous applications cause a significant backlog.[276]
Removal proceedings are considered administrative proceedings under the authority of the United States Attorney General, and thus part of the executive branch rather than the judicial branch of government.[277] in removal proceedings in front of an immigration judge, cancellation of removal is a form of relief that is available for some long-time residents of the United States.[278] Eligibility may depend on time spent in the United States, criminal record, or family in the country.[279][280] Members of Congress may submit private bills granting residency to specific named individuals.[281] The United States allows immigrant relatives of active duty military personnel to reside in the United States through a green card.[282][283]
As of 2015, there are estimated to be 11 to 12 million unauthorized immigrants in the United States, making up about 5% of the civilian labor force.[284][285] Under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, unauthorized immigrants that arrived as children were granted exemptions to immigration law.[286]
In 2021 a new system establishes by The U.S. Citizenship Act, for responsibly manage and secure U.S. border's, for safety of families and communities, and better manage migration across the Hemisphere, sent by President Biden to U.S. Congress.[288]In Department of State v. Muñoz, U.S. Supreme court decided that U.S. citizens do not have a fundamental liberty to admit their foreign spouses[289]
Immigration in popular culture
This 1888 cartoon in Puck magazine criticized businessmen for welcoming large numbers of low-paid immigrants, leaving the American men unemployed.[290]
From the 1880s to the 1910s, vaudeville dominated the popular image of immigrants, with very popular caricature portrayals of ethnic groups. The specific features of these caricatures became widely accepted as accurate portrayals.[292]
In The Melting Pot (1908), playwright Israel Zangwill (1864–1926) explored issues that dominated Progressive Era debates about immigration policies. Zangwill's theme of the positive benefits of the American melting pot resonated widely in popular culture and literary and academic circles in the 20th century; his cultural symbolism – in which he situated immigration issues – likewise informed American cultural imagining of immigrants for decades, as exemplified by Hollywood films.[293][294]
The popular culture's image of ethnic celebrities often includes stereotypes about immigrant groups. For example, Frank Sinatra's public image as a superstar contained important elements of the American Dream while simultaneously incorporating stereotypes about Italian Americans that were based in nativist and Progressive responses to immigration.[295]
The process of assimilation has been a common theme of popular culture. For example, "lace-curtain Irish" refers to middle-class Irish Americans desiring assimilation into mainstream society in counterpoint to the older, more raffish "shanty Irish". The occasional malapropisms and social blunders of these upward mobiles were lampooned in vaudeville, popular song, and the comic strips of the day such as Bringing Up Father, starring Maggie and Jiggs, which ran in daily newspapers for 87 years (1913 to 2000).[296][297] In The Departed (2006), Staff Sergeant Dignam regularly points out the dichotomy between the lace-curtain Irish lifestyle Billy Costigan enjoyed with his mother, and the shanty Irish lifestyle of Costigan's father. Since the late 20th century popular culture has paid special attention to Mexican immigration;[298] the film Spanglish (2004) tells of a friendship of a Mexican housemaid (played by Paz Vega) and her boss (played by Adam Sandler).
Novelists and writers have captured much of the color and challenge in their immigrant lives through their writings.[299]
Regarding Irish women in the 19th century, there were numerous novels and short stories by Harvey O'Higgins, Peter McCorry, Bernard O'Reilly and Sarah Orne Jewett that emphasize emancipation from Old World controls, new opportunities and expansiveness of the immigrant experience.[300]
Fears of population decline have at times fueled anti-emigration sentiment in foreign countries. Hladnik studies three popular novels of the late 19th century that warned Slovenes not to migrate to the dangerous new world of the United States.[301] In India some politicians oppose emigration to the United States because of a supposed brain drain of highly qualified and educated Indian nationals.[302]
Jewish American writer Anzia Yezierska wrote her novel Bread Givers (1925) to explore such themes as Russian-Jewish immigration in the early 20th century, the tension between Old and New World Yiddish culture, and women's experience of immigration. A well established author Yezierska focused on the Jewish struggle to escape the ghetto and enter middle- and upper-class America. In the novel, the heroine, Sara Smolinsky, escapes from New York City's "down-town ghetto" by breaking tradition. She quits her job at the family store and soon becomes engaged to a rich real-estate magnate. She graduates college and takes a high-prestige job teaching public school. Finally Sara restores her broken links to family and religion.[303]
The Swedish author Vilhelm Moberg, in the mid-20th century, wrote a series of four novels describing one Swedish family's migration from Småland to Minnesota in the late 19th century, a destiny shared by almost one million people. The author emphasizes the authenticity of the experiences as depicted (although he did change names).[304] These novels have been translated into English (The Emigrants, 1951, Unto a Good Land, 1954, The Settlers, 1961, The Last Letter Home, 1961). The musical Kristina från Duvemåla by ex-ABBA members Björn Ulvaeus and Benny Andersson is based on this story.[305][306]
That film series premiered nearly a decade after the filmmakers' landmark documentary film Well-Founded Fear which provided a behind-the-scenes look at the process for seeking asylum in the United States. That film still marks the only time that a film-crew was privy to the private proceedings at the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), where individual asylum officers ponder the often life-or-death fate of immigrants seeking asylum.
The documentary Trafficked with Mariana van Zeller argued that weapons smuggling from the United States contributed to insecurity in Latin America, itself triggering more migration to the United States.[309]
University of North Carolina School of Law professor Hiroshi Motomura has identified three approaches the United States has taken to the legal status of immigrants in his book Americans in Waiting: The Lost Story of Immigration and Citizenship in the United States. The first, dominant in the 19th century, treated immigrants as in transition; in other words, as prospective citizens. As soon as people declared their intention to become citizens, they received multiple low-cost benefits, including the eligibility for free homesteads in the Homestead Act of 1862,[310] and in many states, the right to vote. The goal was to make the country more attractive, so large numbers of farmers and skilled craftsmen would settle new lands.
By the 1880s, a second approach took over, treating newcomers as "immigrants by contract". An implicit deal existed where immigrants who were literate and could earn their own living were permitted in restricted numbers. Once in the United States, they would have limited legal rights, but were not allowed to vote until they became citizens, and would not be eligible for the New Deal government benefits available in the 1930s.
The third policy is "immigration by affiliation", originating in the later half of the 20th century, which Motomura argues is the treatment which depends on how deeply rooted people have become in the country. An immigrant who applies for citizenship as soon as permitted, has a long history of working in the United States, and has significant family ties, is more deeply affiliated and can expect better treatment.[311]
The American Dream is the belief that through hard work and determination, any United States immigrant can achieve a better life, usually in terms of financial prosperity and enhanced personal freedom of choice.[312] According to historians, the rapid economic and industrial expansion of the U.S. is not simply a function of being a resource rich, hard working, and inventive country, but the belief that anybody could get a share of the country's wealth if he or she was willing to work hard.[313] This dream has been a major factor in attracting immigrants to the United States.[314]
^Refers to 2013–2017 American Community Survey data;[165] the last Decennial Census where foreign-born population data was collected was in the 2000 census
^Refers to 2008–2012 American Community Survey data;[166] the last Decennial Census where foreign-born population data was collected was in the 2000 census
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Further reading
Surveys
Anbinder, Tyler. City of Dreams: The 400-Year Epic History of Immigrant New York (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2016). 766 pp. ISBN 978-0544104655
Bankston, Carl L. III and Danielle Antoinette Hidalgo, eds. Immigration in U.S. History Salem Press, (2006) ISBN 1587652684
Barkan, Elliott Robert, ed. (2001). Making it in America: A Sourcebook on Eminent Ethnic Americans. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1576070987. short scholarly biographies With bibliographies; 448 pp.
Bodnar, John. The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America Indiana University Press, (1985) ISBN 0253313473
Daniels, Roger. Asian America: Chinese and Japanese in the United States since 1850 University of Washington Press, (1988) ISBN 0295970189
Daniels, Roger. Coming to America 2nd ed. (2005) ISBN 006050577X
Daniels, Roger. Guarding the Golden Door : American Immigration Policy and Immigrants since 1882 (2005) ISBN 0809053446
Dinnerstein, Leonard, and David M. Reimers. Ethnic Americans: a history of immigration (1999) online
Gerber, David A. American Immigration: A Very Short Introduction (2011). ISBN 0195331788
Gjerde, Jon, ed. Major Problems in American Immigration and Ethnic History (1998).
Glazier, Michael, ed. The Encyclopedia of the Irish in America (1999). ISBN 0268027552
Jones, Maldwyn A. American immigration (1960) online
Joselit, Jenna Weissman. Immigration and American religion (2001) online
Parker, Kunal M. Making Foreigners: Immigration and Citizenship Law in America, 1600–2000. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. ISBN 1107698510
Seller, Maxine (1984). Immigrant Women (2nd ed.). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0791419038.
Sowell, Thomas. Ethnic America: A History (1981). ISBN 0465020755
Thernstrom, Stephan, ed. Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (1980). ISBN 0674375122
Before 1920
Alexander, June Granatir. Daily Life in Immigrant America, 1870–1920: How the Second Great Wave of Immigrants Made Their Way in America (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2007. xvi, 332 pp.)
Eltis, David; Coerced and Free Migration: Global Perspectives (2002) emphasis on migration to Americas before 1800. ISBN 0804770360
Greene, Victor R. A Singing Ambivalence: American Immigrants Between Old World and New, 1830–1930 (2004), covering musical traditions. ISBN 0873387945
Isaac Aaronovich Hourwich. Immigration and Labor: The Economic Aspects of European Immigration to the United States (1912) (full text online)
Joseph, Samuel; Jewish Immigration to the United States from 1881 to 1910 Archived May 15, 2023, at the Wayback Machine Columbia University Press, (1914).
Kulikoff, Allan; From British Peasants to Colonial American Farmers (2000), details on colonial immigration. ISBN 0807848824
Lieberson, Stanley (2020) [1980]. A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520352865.
Meagher, Timothy J. The Columbia Guide to Irish American History. (2005). ISBN 0231510705
Miller, Kerby M. Emigrants and Exiles (1985), influential scholarly interpretation of Irish immigration
Motomura, Hiroshi. Americans in Waiting: The Lost Story of Immigration and Citizenship in the United States (2006), legal history. ISBN 0199887438
Pochmann, Henry A. and Arthur R. Schultz; German culture in America; philosophical and literary influences, 1600–1900 (1957)
Waters, Tony. Crime and Immigrant Youth Sage Publications (1999), a sociological analysis. ISBN 145226337X
U.S. Immigration Commission, Abstracts of Reports, 2 vols. (1911); the full 42-volume report is summarized (with additional information) in Jeremiah W. Jenks and W. Jett Lauck, The Immigrant Problem (1912; 6th ed. 1926)
Wittke, Carl. We Who Built America: The Saga of the Immigrant (1939), covers all major groups
Yans-McLaughlin, Virginia ed. Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology, and Politics Oxford University Press. (1990) ISBN 019536368X
Recent: post 1965
Beasley, Vanessa B. ed. Who Belongs in America?: Presidents, Rhetoric, And Immigration (2006) ISBN 1585445053
Bogen, Elizabeth. Immigration in New York (1987) ISBN 0275921999
Bommes, Michael and Andrew Geddes. Immigration and Welfare: Challenging the Borders of the Welfare State (2000) ISBN 0415223725
Borjas, George J. ed. Issues in the Economics of Immigration (National Bureau of Economic Research Conference Report) (2000). ISBN 0-226-06631-2
Borjas, George. Friends or Strangers (1990) ISBN 0465025676
Borjas, George J (2002). "Welfare Reform and Immigrant Participation in Welfare Programs". International Migration Review. 36 (4): 1093–1123. doi:10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00119.x. S2CID 153858736.
Briggs, Vernon M. Jr. Immigration Policy and the America Labor Force. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984. ISBN 0801831687
Briggs, Vernon M. Jr. Mass Immigration and the National Interest (1992) ISBN 1563241714
Cafaro, Philip. How Many Is Too Many? The Progressive Argument for Reducing Immigration into the United States. University of Chicago Press, 2015. ISBN 978-0226190655
Cooper, Mark A. Moving to the United States of America and Immigration. 2008. ISBN 0741446251
Egendorf, Laura K., ed. Illegal immigration : an opposing viewpoints guide (2007) online
Fawcett, James T., and Benjamin V. Carino. Pacific Bridges: The New Immigration from Asia and the Pacific Islands. New York: Center for Migration Studies, 1987. ISBN 0934733104
Garland, Libby. After They Closed the Gate: Jewish Illegal Immigration to the United States, 1921–1965. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014. ISBN 022612259X
Hidalgo, Javier (2018). "26. The Libertarian Case for Open Borders". In Brennan, Jason; van der Vossen, Bas; Scmidtz, David (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Libertarianism. New York: Routledge. pp. 377–389. ISBN 978-0367870591. OCLC 978902248.
Levinson, David and Melvin Ember, eds. American Immigrant Cultures 2 vol (1997). ISBN 0028972082
Lowe, Lisa. Immigrant Acts: On Asian American Cultural Politics (1996) ISBN 0822318644
Meier, Matt S. and Gutierrez, Margo, eds. The Mexican American Experience : An Encyclopedia (2003) (ISBN 0-313-31643-0)
Mohl, Raymond A. "Latinization in the Heart of Dixie: Hispanics in Late-twentieth-century Alabama" Alabama Review 2002 55(4): 243–74. ISSN 0002-4341
Portes, Alejandro, and Robert L. Bach. Latin Journey: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. ISBN 978-0520050044
Portes, Alejandro; Böröcz, József (1989). "Contemporary Immigration: Theoretical Perspectives on Its Determinants and Modes of Incorporation" (PDF). International Migration Review. 23 (3): 606–30. doi:10.2307/2546431. JSTOR 2546431. PMID 12282796. Archived (PDF) from the original on February 16, 2008. Retrieved January 24, 2008.
Portes, Alejandro, and Rubén Rumbaut. Immigrant America. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990. ISBN 0520070380
Reimers, David. Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes to America. New York: Columbia University Press, (1985). ISBN 0231057709
Smith, James P., and Barry Edmonston, eds. The Immigration Debate: Studies on the Economic, Demographic, and Fiscal Effects of Immigration (1998), online version Archived March 20, 2021, at the Wayback Machine
Waters, Tony. Crime and Immigrant Youth Thousand Oaks: Sage 1999. ISBN 0761916857
Borjas, George J.Heaven's Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999. xvii, 263 pp. ISBN 0-691-05966-7
Chavez, Leo (April 17, 2013). The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-8351-4. OCLC 846994039.
Lamm, Richard D., and Gary Imhoff. The Immigration Time Bomb: the Fragmenting of America, in series, Truman Talley Books. 1st ed. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1985. xiii, 271 pp. ISBN 0-525-24337-2
"Estimates of the Unauthorized Immigrant Population Residing in the United States: January 2005" Archived June 11, 2016, at the Wayback Machine M. Hoefer, N. Rytina, C. Campbell (2006) "Population Estimates (August). U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics.
Economic impact
Abramitzky, Ran; Boustan, Leah (2017). "Immigration in American Economic History". Journal of Economic Literature. 55 (4): 1311–45. doi:10.1257/jel.20151189. PMC 5794227. PMID 29398723.
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Nacionalidades estimadas de la población estadounidense blanca en los Estados Unidos continentales según el censo de 1790
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