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Comité Selecto de la Cámara de Representantes de Estados Unidos sobre el Atentado del 6 de enero

El Comité Selecto de la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos para investigar el ataque del 6 de enero al Capitolio de los Estados Unidos (comúnmente conocido como el Comité del 6 de Enero ) fue un comité selecto de la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos establecido para investigar el ataque al Capitolio de los Estados Unidos . [1]

Después de negarse a reconocer la derrota en las elecciones presidenciales estadounidenses de 2020 y perpetuar afirmaciones falsas y refutadas de fraude electoral generalizado , el entonces presidente Donald Trump convocó a una turba de manifestantes al Capitolio mientras se contaban los votos electorales el 6 de enero de 2021. Durante la investigación posterior del Comité de la Cámara, la gente dio testimonio jurado de que Trump sabía que había perdido las elecciones. [2] El Comité citó a declarar a Trump, identificándolo como "el centro del primer y único esfuerzo de cualquier presidente estadounidense para anular una elección y obstruir la transición pacífica del poder". [3] Demandó al comité y nunca testificó. [4] [5]

El 19 de diciembre de 2022, el Comité votó por unanimidad remitir a Trump y al abogado John Eastman al Departamento de Justicia de Estados Unidos para su procesamiento. [6] El comité recomendó acusar a Trump de obstrucción de un procedimiento oficial; conspiración para defraudar a los Estados Unidos; conspiración para hacer una declaración falsa; e intentos de "incitar", "asistir" o "ayudar o consolar" una insurrección. [7] La ​​obstrucción y la conspiración para defraudar también fueron los cargos recomendados para Eastman. [8] El comité publicó simultáneamente un resumen de sus hallazgos, [9] y publicó el resto de su informe final de 845 páginas tres días después. [10] [11] [12] Esa semana, también comenzó a publicar transcripciones de entrevistas. [13]

El Comité entrevistó a más de mil personas [14] y revisó más de un millón de documentos. [3] Algunos miembros del círculo íntimo de Trump cooperaron, mientras que otros desafiaron al Comité. [15] Por negarse a testificar:

El comité se formó mediante una votación mayoritariamente partidaria el 1 de julio de 2021 y se disolvió a principios de enero de 2023. [a] [24] Su membresía fue un punto de importante discordia política. Los únicos dos republicanos de la Cámara de Representantes que votaron para establecer el Comité [25] también fueron los únicos dos republicanos que formaron parte de él: Liz Cheney y Adam Kinzinger . [b] [26] [27] El Comité Nacional Republicano los censuró por su participación. [28]

Historia

El 19 de mayo de 2021, tras el ataque al Capitolio de los Estados Unidos del 6 de enero , la Cámara votó para formar una comisión bicameral independiente para investigar el ataque, similar a la Comisión del 11 de septiembre . [29] El proyecto de ley bipartidista fue aprobado por la Cámara por 252 a 175, con treinta y cinco republicanos votando a favor. La gran cantidad de deserciones se consideró una reprimenda al líder de la minoría McCarthy, quien cambió de rumbo y se opuso a la propuesta, después de delegar inicialmente al representante John Katko para negociar por los republicanos. [29] La propuesta fue derrotada por un obstruccionismo de los republicanos en el Senado. [30] A fines de mayo, cuando se hizo evidente que el obstruccionismo no sería superado, la presidenta de la Cámara de Representantes, Nancy Pelosi, indicó que nombraría un comité selecto para investigar los eventos como una opción de respaldo. [31] [32] [33] [34]

El 30 de junio de 2021, la H.Res.503, "Establecimiento del Comité Selecto para Investigar el Ataque del 6 de enero al Capitolio de los Estados Unidos", [35] fue aprobada por la Cámara de Representantes por 222 a 190 votos, con todos los miembros demócratas y dos miembros republicanos, Adam Kinzinger y Liz Cheney , votando a favor. [25] Dieciséis miembros republicanos no votaron. [36] La resolución autorizó a Pelosi a nombrar a ocho miembros para el comité, y el líder de la minoría de la Cámara de Representantes, Kevin McCarthy, podría nombrar a cinco miembros "en consulta" con el Presidente. [37] Pelosi indicó que nombraría a un republicano como uno de sus ocho designados. [38]

El 1 de julio, Pelosi nombró a ocho miembros, siete demócratas y una republicana, Liz Cheney (republicana por Wyoming). Bennie Thompson (demócrata por Mississippi) fue designado presidente del comité. [39]

El 19 de julio, McCarthy anunció sus cinco selecciones, recomendando a Jim Banks (R-IN) para que se desempeñara como miembro de mayor rango, junto con Jim Jordan (R-OH), Rodney Davis (R-IL), Kelly Armstrong (R-ND) y Troy Nehls (R-TX). [40] Banks, Jordan y Nehls habían votado para revocar los resultados del Colegio Electoral en Arizona y Pensilvania. Banks y Jordan también habían firmado el caso de la Corte Suprema Texas v. Pennsylvania para invalidar las papeletas de los votantes en cuatro estados. [41]

El 21 de julio, Thompson anunció que investigaría a Trump como parte de la investigación sobre el ataque al Capitolio. [42] Horas después, Pelosi anunció que había informado a McCarthy que rechazaba a Jordan y Banks, citando preocupaciones por la integridad de la investigación y las acciones y declaraciones relevantes hechas por los dos miembros. Ella aprobó las recomendaciones de los otros tres. [43] En lugar de sugerir dos reemplazos, McCarthy insistió en que no nombraría a nadie a menos que sus cinco opciones fueran aprobadas. [44] [45] Cuando McCarthy sacó todas sus elecciones, eliminó a todos los defensores de Trump en el comité y despejó el campo para que Pelosi controlara toda la composición y el funcionamiento del comité. Esto fue ampliamente interpretado como un costoso error de cálculo político por parte de McCarthy. [46] [47] [48]

El 25 de julio, después de que McCarthy rescindiera todas sus selecciones, Pelosi anunció que había designado a Adam Kinzinger (R-IL), uno de los diez republicanos de la Cámara de Representantes que votaron a favor del segundo impeachment de Trump , para el comité. [49] [50] [51] Pelosi también contrató a un republicano, el exrepresentante Denver Riggleman (R-VA), como miembro externo del comité o asesor. [52] Cheney expresó su apoyo e presionó para la participación de ambos. [51]

El 4 de febrero de 2022, el Comité Nacional Republicano votó a favor de censurar a Cheney y Kinzinger, algo que nunca antes había hecho con ningún republicano en funciones en el Congreso. La resolución retiró formalmente "todo apoyo a ellos como miembros del Partido Republicano", argumentando que su trabajo en el comité selecto estaba perjudicando las perspectivas republicanas en las elecciones de mitad de período . [28] [53] Kinzinger ya había anunciado el 29 de octubre de 2021 que no se presentaría a la reelección. [54] Cheney perdió las primarias para su reelección el 16 de agosto de 2022. [55]

Miembros

El presidente del comité fue Bennie Thompson y la vicepresidenta Liz Cheney. En el comité participaron siete demócratas y dos republicanos.

En julio de 2021, Thompson anunció el personal superior: [64]

En agosto de 2021, Thompson anunció personal adicional: [65] [66]

En noviembre de 2022, Thompson reveló la existencia de un subcomité para manejar "cuestiones pendientes", incluidas las citaciones sin respuesta y la cuestión de si se deben enviar las transcripciones de las entrevistas al Departamento de Justicia. El subcomité se había creado aproximadamente un mes antes con Raskin como presidente, junto con Cheney, Lofgren y Schiff. Thompson dijo que los seleccionó porque "todos son abogados". [70] [71]

Investigación

La investigación comenzó con una audiencia pública el 27 de julio de 2021, en la que testificaron cuatro agentes de policía. A finales de 2021, había entrevistado a más de 300 testigos y obtenido más de 35.000 documentos, [72] y esos totales siguieron aumentando. Para mayo de 2022, había entrevistado a más de 1.000 testigos; [73] algunas de esas entrevistas fueron grabadas. [74] Para octubre de 2022, había obtenido más de 1.000.000 de documentos [3] y revisado cientos de horas de vídeos (como cámaras de seguridad y material documental). [75] Durante la tramitación de la investigación, el comité selecto comunicó públicamente parte de su información.

El comité selecto dividió su investigación multifacética en varios equipos codificados por colores, [76] [77] [78] cada uno centrado en un tema específico como la financiación, las motivaciones de los individuos, las coaliciones organizativas y cómo Trump puede haber presionado a otros políticos. [79] Estos fueron:

La investigación del comité selecto y sus conclusiones fueron multifacéticas.

En el proyecto de ley ómnibus de gastos de diciembre de 2022 se aprobó una reforma de los procedimientos de certificación electoral (según lo dispuesto por la Ley de Recuento Electoral de 1887) . [83] [84] Los miembros del comité habían comenzado a colaborar en esta reforma en 2021. [85]

Las conclusiones del comité selecto también pueden utilizarse como argumento para exigir responsabilidades legales a individuos, en particular a Donald Trump [73] .

Investigaciones simultáneas del Departamento de Justicia

El Departamento de Justicia de los Estados Unidos (DOJ) está investigando los esfuerzos que duraron meses para declarar falsamente que las elecciones fueron manipuladas, incluida la presión sobre el DOJ, el esquema de los falsos electores y los eventos del propio 6 de enero. [86]

El poder judicial también ha hecho observaciones y fallos relacionados. En marzo de 2022, el juez federal David Carter dijo que era "más probable que improbable" que Trump haya participado en una conspiración con John Eastman para cometer delitos federales, y describió su intento como "un golpe de Estado en busca de una teoría legal". [87]

El 18 de noviembre de 2022, el fiscal general de los Estados Unidos, Merrick Garland, anunció el nombramiento de John L. "Jack" Smith como asesor especial para supervisar las investigaciones en curso del Departamento de Justicia sobre la investigación del FBI sobre el manejo de documentos gubernamentales por parte de Donald Trump, así como la investigación del 6 de enero. [88] Garland elogió la experiencia de Smith y dijo: "Estoy seguro de que este nombramiento no retrasará la finalización de estas investigaciones". Smith prometió investigar "de forma independiente y en las mejores tradiciones del Departamento de Justicia... sea cual sea el resultado que dicten los hechos y la ley". [89]

Mientras la investigación del comité estaba en curso, compartió cierta información con el Departamento de Justicia, [90] pero esperó hasta que terminó su trabajo en diciembre de 2022 antes de entregar todo. [91] El Departamento de Justicia había enviado una carta el 20 de abril de 2022, solicitando transcripciones de entrevistas pasadas y futuras. Thompson, el presidente del comité, dijo a los periodistas que no tenía la intención de darle al Departamento de Justicia "acceso completo a nuestro producto", especialmente cuando "no hemos completado nuestro propio trabajo". En cambio, el comité selecto negoció un intercambio de información parcial. [14] El 15 de junio, el Departamento de Justicia reiteró su solicitud. Dieron un ejemplo de un problema que habían encontrado: el juicio de los cinco Proud Boys acusados ​​​​de conspiración sediciosa había sido reprogramado para fines de 2022 porque los fiscales y los abogados de los acusados ​​​​no querían comenzar el juicio sin las transcripciones de las entrevistas pertinentes. [92] El 12 de julio de 2022, el comité anunció que estaba negociando con el Departamento de Justicia sobre el procedimiento para compartir información y que el comité había "comenzado a producir información" relacionada con la solicitud de transcripciones del Departamento de Justicia. [93]

El 19 de diciembre de 2022, el comité selecto de la Cámara de Representantes votó públicamente para recomendar que el Departamento de Justicia presentara cargos penales contra Trump [94] (una medida largamente esperada) [95] así como contra John Eastman. [94] Algunos críticos habían argumentado en contra de hacer remisiones penales, ya que una recomendación de este tipo por parte de un comité del Congreso no tiene fuerza legal [96] y podría parecer que contamina políticamente la investigación del Departamento de Justicia. [97] Sin embargo, un portavoz del comité había dicho el 6 de diciembre que las remisiones penales serían "una parte final" del trabajo de investigación del comité. [98] Schiff reconoció el 11 de diciembre que cualquier remisión sería "simbólica" pero que, sin embargo, era "importante" [99] -había dicho en septiembre que esperaba que el comité remitiera por unanimidad a Trump al Departamento de Justicia [100] - mientras que el representante Raskin dijo el 13 de diciembre: "Todos han hecho su propia cama en términos de su conducta o mala conducta". [101]

Información recibida de Mark Meadows

Donald Trump y Mark Meadows en 2020

En septiembre de 2021, el comité selecto citó al exjefe de gabinete de la Casa Blanca, Mark Meadows . Meadows inicialmente cooperó, pero en diciembre, sin proporcionar todos los documentos solicitados, presentó una demanda para bloquear las dos citaciones del Congreso. [102] El 14 de diciembre de 2021, la Cámara en pleno votó para declarar a Meadows en desacato al Congreso. [103] En un escrito amicus del 15 de julio de 2022 [104] presentado a solicitud del juez del Tribunal de Distrito de EE. UU. Carl J. Nichols , [105] el Departamento de Justicia reconoció que la citación de la Cámara había sido justificada y que Meadows solo tenía inmunidad "calificada" dado que Trump ya no estaba en el cargo. [106] [107] El 31 de octubre de 2022, el juez dictaminó que las citaciones del Congreso eran "actos legislativos protegidos" que estaban "legítimamente vinculados a las funciones legislativas del Congreso". [108]

Aunque las citaciones del Congreso eran válidas, el Departamento de Justicia decidió no acusarlo penalmente por desafiarlas. [109] En 2022, Meadows cumplió con una citación del Departamento de Justicia en la investigación del Departamento de Justicia del 6 de enero. [110] En 2023, fue acusado en Georgia por su presunto papel en la interferencia electoral en ese estado. [111]

Meadows había quemado rutinariamente documentos en la chimenea de su oficina después de las reuniones durante el período de transición; Cassidy Hutchinson testificó ante el comité que lo había visto hacer esto una docena de veces entre diciembre de 2020 y mediados de enero de 2021. [112]

A finales de 2021, antes de que Meadows dejara de cooperar, proporcionó miles de correos electrónicos y mensajes de texto [113] [102] que revelaban esfuerzos para anular los resultados de las elecciones :

Meadows también participó en una llamada con un grupo del Caucus de la Libertad que incluía a Rudy Giuliani , el representante Jim Jordan y el representante Scott Perry, durante la cual planearon alentar a los partidarios de Trump a marchar al Capitolio el 6 de enero. [123]

Meadows también intercambió mensajes de texto posteriores a las elecciones con Ginni Thomas , la esposa del juez de la Corte Suprema Clarence Thomas , en los que expresaron su apoyo a las afirmaciones de Trump sobre fraude electoral. El 5 de noviembre, en el primero de 29 mensajes de texto, Ginni Thomas le envió a Meadows un enlace a un video de YouTube sobre las elecciones. [124] Envió un correo electrónico a los legisladores de Arizona y Wisconsin el 9 de noviembre para alentarlos a elegir a diferentes electores, intercambió correos electrónicos con John Eastman y asistió a la manifestación el 6 de enero. [125] [126] [127]

Algunas de las comunicaciones revelaron que aliados de Trump expresaron en privado su desacuerdo con los acontecimientos del 6 de enero mientras defendían a Trump en público:

A mediados de 2022, CNN habló con más de una docena de personas que habían enviado mensajes de texto a Meadows ese día, y todos dijeron que creían que Trump debería haber intentado detener el ataque. [130]

Uno de los documentos más reveladores proporcionados por Meadows fue una presentación en PowerPoint [131] [132] que describía una estrategia para revocar los resultados de las elecciones. La presentación había sido distribuida por Phil Waldron, un coronel retirado del ejército (ahora dueño de un bar en Texas) [133] que se especializó en operaciones psicológicas y que más tarde se convirtió en un asociado de la campaña de Trump. Una versión de 36 páginas parecía haber sido creada el 5 de enero [134] [131] y Meadows recibió una versión ese día [135] [136] [137] Finalmente proporcionó una versión de 38 páginas al comité [134] . En ella se recomendaba que Trump declarara una emergencia de seguridad nacional para retrasar la certificación electoral del 6 de enero, invalidar todos los votos emitidos por máquina y ordenar a los militares que confiscaran y volvieran a contar todos los votos en papel. [135] [136] (Meadows afirma que él personalmente no actuó sobre este plan. [135] ) Waldron estaba asociado con el ex asesor de seguridad nacional de Trump, Michael Flynn, y otros veteranos de inteligencia militar que desempeñaron papeles clave en la difusión de información falsa para alegar que las elecciones habían sido robadas a Trump. [138] [133] Politico informó en enero de 2022 que Bernard Kerik había testificado ante el comité que Waldron también originó la idea de una incautación militar de máquinas de votación, que se incluyó en un borrador de orden ejecutiva fechado el 16 de diciembre. [139] [140] El mes siguiente, Politico publicó correos electrónicos entre Waldron, Flynn, Kerik, la abogada de Washington Katherine Friess y el empresario de Texas Russell Ramsland que incluían otro borrador de orden ejecutiva fechado el 16 de diciembre. Ese borrador era casi idéntico al borrador que Politico había publicado anteriormente; los metadatos incrustados indicaban que había sido creado por la presentadora de One America News, Christina Bobb . Bobb, abogado, también estuvo presente en el centro de mando del Hotel Willard . [141] [142]

Meadows testificó que organizó una llamada matutina diaria a partir del 7 de enero de 2021 con Mike Pompeo y Mark Milley . [143]

En agosto de 2023, el alcance de la cooperación de Meadows en varias investigaciones seguía siendo desconocido para el público. [144] Según se informa, los fiscales de la acusación de Georgia no tienen la intención de ofrecerle un acuerdo de culpabilidad. [145] Ha dicho que quiere ser juzgado por separado de los otros acusados ​​de Georgia. [146] Un tribunal denegó su solicitud de que su caso fuera trasladado a un tribunal federal; [147] La ​​Corte Suprema de los Estados Unidos podría decir ya en octubre de 2024 si escuchará su apelación. [148]

Obstáculos

Liberación de documentos de la Administración Nacional de Archivos y Registros (NARA)

Uno de los principales desafíos para la investigación del comité fue el uso de tácticas legales por parte de Trump para intentar bloquear la publicación de los registros de comunicaciones de la Casa Blanca guardados en la Administración Nacional de Archivos y Registros (NARA). [149] Logró retrasar la publicación de los documentos durante unos cinco meses. El comité recibió los documentos el 20 de enero de 2022. [150] [151]

Algunos de los documentos habían sido previamente rotos por Trump y pegados nuevamente con cinta adhesiva por el personal de NARA. [152] Se dice que Trump destruyó y tiró rutinariamente registros con su propia mano, así como que pidió al personal que los colocara en bolsas para quemar , durante toda su presidencia. [153] [154] Además, como el diarista presidencial testificó ante el comité en marzo de 2022, la Oficina Oval no le envió al diarista información detallada sobre las actividades diarias de Trump el 5 y 6 de enero de 2021. [155]

Los registros telefónicos de Trump del día del ataque, tal como los proporcionó NARA al comité, no registraron ninguna llamada durante las siete horas y media que el Capitolio estuvo bajo asedio, [155] lo que sugiere que estaba usando un teléfono celular "quemador" durante ese tiempo. [156] Se dice que utilizó rutinariamente teléfonos quemadores durante su presidencia. [157] Cuando el comité citó sus registros de comunicación personal, [158] [3] sus abogados afirmaron que no tenía tales registros. [159]

Trump intentó ocultar el hecho de que había presionado al Secretario de Defensa y al Departamento de Justicia para que confiscaran las máquinas de votación inmediatamente después de las elecciones en seis estados en los que había perdido. [160] Para evitar que el Comité tuviera acceso a los registros pertinentes de la Casa Blanca, solicitó una orden judicial a la Corte Suprema, que desestimó su solicitud el 19 de enero de 2022. [161]

El comité comenzó a solicitar los registros de la NARA en agosto de 2021. [162] [163] Trump afirmó que tenía privilegio ejecutivo sobre los documentos. [164] El actual presidente Joe Biden rechazó esa afirmación, [165] [166] al igual que un juez federal (que señaló que Trump ya no era presidente), [167] el Tribunal de Apelaciones del Circuito de DC, [168] y la Corte Suprema de los Estados Unidos. [169] [170] El comité aceptó una solicitud de la administración Biden para que la NARA retuviera ciertos documentos sensibles sobre asuntos de seguridad nacional no relacionados, pero continuó litigando hasta que recibió los registros potencialmente relevantes. [171]

Los republicanos no testifican

Desde el comienzo de la investigación, Trump les dijo a los líderes republicanos que no cooperaran con el comité. [172] [173] [174] [175] Si bien muchos testificaron voluntariamente, [176] el comité también emitió citaciones [177] para obligar legalmente a otros a testificar. Algunas personas que fueron citadas se negaron a testificar: Roger Stone y John Eastman alegaron sus derechos de la Quinta Enmienda , mientras que Steve Bannon y Mark Meadows fueron declarados en desacato al Congreso. En diciembre de 2021, Michael Flynn presentó una demanda para bloquear una citación para sus registros telefónicos y retrasar su testimonio, aunque un juez federal desestimó su demanda en un día. [178]

La asistente de Trump en la Casa Blanca, Cassidy Hutchinson, habló con el comité varias veces a principios de 2022 mientras estaba representada por Stefan Passantino , un aliado de Trump que quería que ella eludiera las preguntas del comité. Habló con el comité sin el conocimiento de Passantino; la ex asistente de la Casa Blanca Alyssa Farah Griffin fue su conexión extraoficial para el testimonio adicional. [179] [180] Hutchinson luego despidió a Passantino, [179] [180] contrató a Jody Hunt en su lugar y tuvo otra declaración a puerta cerrada el 20 de junio de 2022, una semana antes de comparecer en una audiencia pública. [112]

Bill Stepien , el último director de campaña de Trump, fue citado y tenía previsto testificar en directo en la segunda audiencia pública el 13 de junio de 2022. Sin embargo, canceló su comparecencia una hora antes de que comenzara la audiencia, ya que su esposa se puso de parto. En su lugar, el comité selecto emitió fragmentos de la declaración de Stepien previamente grabada; [181] la lucha por reorganizar la presentación retrasó el inicio de la audiencia televisada a nivel nacional durante 45 minutos. [182] [183]

El 21 de octubre de 2022, el comité citó a Trump para que presentara documentos y testimonios. Solicitaron todas sus comunicaciones del día del ataque al Capitolio y muchas de sus comunicaciones políticas de los meses anteriores. [158] [184] [185] El 9 de noviembre, los abogados de Trump escribieron al comité diciendo que no poseía "ningún documento" relevante para la citación. El 11 de noviembre, presentaron una demanda para bloquear la citación, argumentando que el comité podía obtener la información de fuentes distintas a Trump. [159]

Pence decidió no hablar con el comité selecto, aunque el comité había deliberado durante mucho tiempo convocarlo. [186] [187] El 4 de enero de 2022, el presidente Thompson dijo a los periodistas que Pence debería "hacer lo correcto y presentarse y hablar voluntariamente con el comité". Si bien reconoció que el comité no había invitado formalmente a Pence a hablar con ellos, Thompson sugirió: "si se ofreciera, aceptaríamos con gusto". [188] Según se informa, el comité consideró particularmente importante el testimonio de Pence, [189] aunque, en abril, Thompson dijo a los periodistas que no se molestarían en llamarlo, especialmente después de haber confirmado información importante a través de sus ex asistentes Marc Short y Greg Jacob. [190] El 17 de agosto, Pence le dijo a una audiencia en Saint Anselm College que estaba esperando que el comité lo invitara: "Si hubiera una invitación para participar, la consideraría". [191] Describió su experiencia del ataque al Capitolio en su autobiografía, que estaba previsto que se publicara una semana después de las elecciones intermedias de noviembre de 2022. [192] A fines de noviembre, se informó que Pence estaba más interesado en testificar ante el Departamento de Justicia. [193] [194] "Creo que es triste que no haya querido venir a nosotros", dijo el representante Pete Aguilar a CNN a principios de diciembre de 2022. [195]

Mensajes de texto del Servicio Secreto, el DHS y el Pentágono eliminados

Poco después del ataque al Capitolio, el Servicio Secreto asignó nuevos teléfonos. [196] En febrero de 2021, la oficina del Inspector General del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional , Joseph Cuffari , designado por Trump, se enteró de que se habían perdido los mensajes de texto de los agentes del Servicio Secreto. Consideró enviar especialistas en datos para intentar recuperar los mensajes, pero se tomó una decisión en contra. [197] En junio de 2021, el DHS solicitó mensajes de texto de 24 personas, incluidos los jefes de seguridad de Trump y Pence, Robert Engel y Tim Giebels, y no los recibió. En octubre de 2021, el DHS consideró hacer públicos los retrasos del Servicio Secreto. [198] [199] El 26 de julio de 2022, el presidente Thompson, en su calidad de presidente del Comité de Seguridad Nacional de la Cámara de Representantes, y Carolyn Maloney, presidenta del Comité de Supervisión y Reformas de la Cámara de Representantes , escribieron conjuntamente al Consejo de Inspectores Generales sobre Integridad y Eficiencia sobre el hecho de que Cuffari no informara sobre los mensajes de texto perdidos y pidieron a la presidenta del CIGIE, Allison Lerner, que reemplazara a Cuffari por un nuevo inspector general que pudiera investigar el asunto. [200] Además, los renovados llamados para que el presidente Biden despida a Cuffari han comenzado a ganar fuerza, y el senador Dick Durbin , que preside el Comité Judicial del Senado, solicitó al fiscal general Garland que investigue los mensajes de texto faltantes. Sin embargo, a julio de 2022, se desconoce si el presidente Biden despedirá a Cuffari, ya que hizo una promesa de campaña de nunca despedir a un inspector general durante su mandato como POTUS.

El 1 de agosto de 2022, el presidente del Comité de Seguridad Nacional de la Cámara de Representantes, Bennie Thompson, reiteró los pedidos de que Cuffari dimitiera debido a una "falta de transparencia" que podría estar "poniendo en peligro la integridad" de investigaciones cruciales sobre los mensajes de texto desaparecidos del Servicio Secreto. [201] Ese mismo día, un funcionario de la oficina del inspector general del DHS le dijo a Politico que Cuffari y su personal están "excepcionalmente no calificados para dirigir una oficina del Inspector General, y  ... la crucial misión de supervisión de la OIG del DHS se ha visto comprometida". [202] El Congreso también obtuvo un correo electrónico de julio de 2021, del inspector general adjunto Thomas Kait, quien les dijo a los altos funcionarios del DHS que ya no era necesario ningún registro telefónico o mensaje de texto del Servicio Secreto. Por lo tanto, Kait suspendió los esfuerzos para recopilar comunicaciones relacionadas con el 6 de enero solo seis semanas después de que comenzara la investigación interna del DHS. El Guardian escribió que "en conjunto, las nuevas revelaciones parecen mostrar que el principal organismo de control del Servicio Secreto y el DHS tomó medidas deliberadas para detener la recuperación de textos que sabía que faltaban, y luego trató de ocultar el hecho de que había decidido no buscar esa evidencia". [203]

El 2 de agosto de 2022, CNN informó que los mensajes de texto relevantes del 6 de enero de 2021 también fueron eliminados de los teléfonos de los funcionarios designados por Trump en el Pentágono, a pesar de que las solicitudes de FOIA se presentaron días después del ataque al Capitolio. [204] [205] Más tarde se informó que el Servicio Secreto estaba al tanto de las amenazas en línea contra los legisladores antes del ataque al Capitolio, según documentos obtenidos por el comité selecto de la Cámara de Representantes. [206]

El comité de acción política Save America de Trump ha pagado cientos de miles de dólares a los abogados que representan a más de una docena de testigos citados por el comité. [207] El 1 de septiembre de 2022, Trump dijo en un programa de radio de derecha que recientemente se había reunido con partidarios en su oficina. Dijo que los estaba "apoyando económicamente", y agregó: "Es una vergüenza lo que les han hecho". [208]

La Unión Conservadora Estadounidense proporcionó fondos para la defensa legal de algunas personas que se oponen al comité. La organización dijo que sólo ayudaba a las personas que no cooperaban con el comité y que se oponían a su misión, según el presidente Matt Schlapp . [209]

El Comité Nacional Republicano (RNC) afirma que el comité es ilegítimo

Aunque el Comité Nacional Republicano había insistido durante mucho tiempo en que el comité no era válido y no se le debería permitir investigar, un juez federal determinó el 1 de mayo de 2022 que el poder del comité es legítimo. [210] El 30 de noviembre de 2022, el líder de la minoría de la Cámara de Representantes, Kevin McCarthy, escribió una carta advirtiendo al comité que la Cámara de Representantes entrante, de mayoría republicana, planeaba investigar el trabajo del comité en 2023. [211]

Hallazgos públicos

Audiencias públicas 2021

El comité selecto de la Cámara de Representantes comenzó su investigación con una audiencia pública preliminar el 27 de julio de 2021, llamada "La experiencia de las fuerzas del orden el 6 de enero". [212] [213] La policía del Capitolio y del Distrito de Columbia testificó, describiendo sus experiencias personales el día del ataque, y se mostraron imágenes de video gráficas. [214]

Audiencias públicas 2022

En 2022, el Comité celebró diez audiencias públicas televisadas en vivo [215] que presentaron evidencia del plan de siete partes de Trump para revocar las elecciones de 2020; esto incluyó entrevistas en vivo bajo juramento (de muchos republicanos y algunos leales a Trump), [216] [217] así como testimonios de declaraciones juradas grabadas y secuencias de video de otras fuentes. Un Resumen Ejecutivo [218] de las conclusiones del comité se publicó el 19 de diciembre de 2022; un Informe Final [219] se publicó el 22 de diciembre de 2022. [220]

Durante la primera audiencia del 9 de junio de 2022, el presidente del comité, Bennie Thompson, y la vicepresidenta, Liz Cheney, dijeron que el presidente Donald Trump intentó mantenerse en el poder a pesar de haber perdido las elecciones presidenciales de 2020. Thompson lo calificó de "golpe de Estado". [221] El comité compartió imágenes del ataque , discutió la participación de los Proud Boys e incluyó el testimonio de un documentalista y un miembro de la Policía del Capitolio .

La segunda audiencia, que se celebró el 13 de junio de 2022, se centró en las pruebas que demostraban que Trump sabía que había perdido y que la mayoría de su círculo íntimo sabía que las acusaciones de fraude no tenían fundamento. William Barr testificó que Trump se había "desvinculado de la realidad" porque seguía promoviendo teorías conspirativas y promoviendo el mito de las elecciones robadas sin "interés en los hechos reales". [222] [223]

La tercera audiencia, el 16 de junio de 2022, examinó cómo Trump y otros presionaron al vicepresidente Mike Pence para que descontara selectivamente los votos electorales y anulara la elección por medios inconstitucionales , utilizando las teorías legales marginales de John Eastman como justificación. [224]

La cuarta audiencia, que se celebró el 21 de junio de 2022, incluyó la comparecencia de funcionarios electorales de Arizona y Georgia, quienes testificaron que habían sido presionados para "encontrar votos" para Trump y cambiar los resultados en sus jurisdicciones. El comité reveló intentos de organizar listas falsas de electores suplentes y estableció que "Trump tuvo un papel directo y personal en este esfuerzo". [225] [226]

La quinta audiencia, el 23 de junio de 2022, se centró en la campaña de presión de Trump sobre el Departamento de Justicia para que aprobara su narrativa de una elección robada, la insistencia en numerosas teorías conspirativas de fraude electoral desacreditadas , las solicitudes para confiscar máquinas de votación y el esfuerzo de Trump para instalar a Jeffrey Clark como fiscal general interino. [227]

La testigo exclusiva de la sexta audiencia del 28 de junio de 2022 fue  Cassidy Hutchinson , principal asistente del exjefe de gabinete de la Casa Blanca,  Mark Meadows . [228] Ella testificó que los funcionarios de la Casa Blanca anticiparon la violencia días antes del 6 de enero; que Trump sabía que los partidarios en el mitin de Ellipse estaban armados con armas que incluían AR-15, pero pidió relajar los controles de seguridad en su discurso; y que Trump planeaba unirse a la multitud en el Capitolio y se enfureció cuando el Servicio Secreto rechazó su solicitud. Al cerrar la audiencia, Cheney presentó evidencia de manipulación de testigos . [229]

La séptima audiencia, el 12 de julio de 2022, mostró cómo Roger Stone y Michael Flynn conectaron a Trump con milicias nacionales como Oath Keepers y Proud Boys que ayudaron a coordinar el ataque. [230] [231] [232]

En la octava audiencia, que se celebró el 21 de julio de 2022, se presentaron pruebas y detalles de la negativa de Trump a suspender el ataque al Capitolio, a pesar de las horas de súplicas de funcionarios y personas con información privilegiada. Según el New York Times , el comité emitió dos mensajes públicos importantes: la representante Liz Cheney argumentó que nunca más se podría "confiar en Trump para ningún puesto de autoridad en nuestra gran nación", mientras que el representante Bennie Thompson pidió "rendición de cuentas" legal y "consecuencias severas" para "superar la amenaza constante a nuestra democracia". [233]

La novena audiencia, celebrada el 13 de octubre de 2022, [234] [235] presentó un vídeo de Roger Stone y pruebas de que algunos asociados de Trump planeaban reclamar la victoria en las elecciones de 2020 independientemente de los resultados oficiales. [236] [237] El comité votó por unanimidad citar a Trump para que presentara documentos y testimonios , [238] [239] y una semana después se emitió una citación. [240] Trump se negó a cumplir. [241]

La décima audiencia, que se celebró el 19 de diciembre de 2022, se celebró para presentar una descripción general final de su trabajo de investigación hasta la fecha, y el comité recomendó que el expresidente Donald Trump, John Eastman y otros fueran remitidos a la justicia para que se les presentaran cargos. El comité también recomendó que el Comité de Ética de la Cámara de Representantes hiciera un seguimiento de la negativa de los representantes Kevin McCarthy (California), Jim Jordan (Ohio), Scott Perry (Pensilvania) y Andy Biggs (Arizona) a responder a las citaciones. [242] Las votaciones fueron unánimes. [243] Inmediatamente después de la audiencia, el comité publicó un resumen ejecutivo de 154 páginas de sus hallazgos. [244] [245] [246]

Derivaciones penales

El 19 de diciembre de 2022, el comité remitió penalmente a Trump al Departamento de Justicia por cuatro presuntos delitos.

Simultáneamente, el comité remitió a John Eastman al Departamento de Justicia por los dos primeros de esos mismos delitos. Esta medida fue apoyada por una decisión del 7 de junio de 2022 del juez David Carter. Carter había decidido que un correo electrónico en posesión de John Eastman, enviado antes del 6 de enero, contenía evidencia probable de un delito y que Eastman debía revelarlo al comité de la Cámara de Representantes en virtud de la excepción de privilegio abogado-cliente por fraude criminal . [251]

El comité sugirió que el Departamento de Justicia investigue dos cargos adicionales contra Trump: conspiración para impedir que alguien ocupe un cargo o cumpla con los deberes de su cargo y conspiración sediciosa. Señaló que recientemente se habían dictado condenas por ambos cargos en el juicio de alto perfil de Oath Keepers .

Trump y Eastman fueron los únicos individuos que el comité remitió al Departamento de Justicia por cuestiones penales. Aunque el comité dijo que Mark Meadows, Rudy Giuliani y Jeffrey Clark habían sido “actores” de la trama, decidió que no contaba con pruebas suficientes para remitirlos, especialmente dada la falta de voluntad de ciertas personas para cooperar con la investigación. “Confiamos en que el Departamento de Justicia hará su trabajo”, dijo Raskin. [253]

Impacto en otras investigaciones

El 1 de agosto de 2023, un gran jurado federal acusó a Trump de cuatro cargos, tres de los cuales se asemejan a los cargos recomendados por el comité selecto de la Cámara de Representantes. (Trump no fue acusado de incitación a la insurrección). [254] Además, entre los co-conspiradores identificados en la acusación había cuatro que habían sido nombrados previamente por el comité de la Cámara de Representantes: John Eastman, Rudy Giuliani, Jeffrey Clark y Kenneth Chesebro. [255]

Según la 14.ª Enmienda de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos , cualquiera que haya "participado" en una insurrección no es elegible para ocupar un cargo público. Sin embargo, el proceso para excluir a alguien de un cargo no estaba claro. La 14.ª Enmienda no dice si esa persona debe ser condenada penalmente por insurrección primero, ni especifica una autoridad de aplicación o un mecanismo para considerarla inelegible para ocupar un cargo. [256] [257] A principios de 2022, se cuestionó la elegibilidad de dos candidatos en Carolina del Norte y Georgia, pero finalmente no se negó, sobre esta base. [258] [259] Más tarde ese año, un comisionado del condado de Nuevo México se convirtió en el primer funcionario electo desde la era de la Guerra Civil en ser destituido de su cargo por participar en una insurrección. [260] El 15 de diciembre de 2022, los demócratas de la Cámara de Representantes presentaron un proyecto de ley que impediría específicamente que Trump se postulara nuevamente para un cargo . [261] [262] En 2023, se presentaron demandas en varios estados y el 19 de diciembre, la Corte Suprema de Colorado dictaminó que Trump debía ser eliminado de la boleta electoral en ese estado, basándose en la Enmienda 14. Sin embargo, el 4 de marzo de 2024, la Corte Suprema de Estados Unidos dictaminó que ningún estado tiene el poder de eliminar a Trump de la boleta electoral. El tribunal decidió que este poder recae en el Congreso. [263] [264] [265]

El trabajo del comité selecto también ayudó a la investigación del estado de Georgia sobre presuntas solicitudes de fraude electoral . El 2 de mayo de 2022, la fiscal de distrito del condado de Fulton, Fani Willis, abrió un gran jurado especial para considerar los cargos penales, [266] y el 14 de agosto de 2023, un gran jurado de Georgia acusó a Trump de 13 cargos. [267] Las identidades de los 18 coacusados ​​​​de Trump [268] y 30 co-conspiradores no acusados ​​​​[269] se superponen significativamente con las personas identificadas por el comité de la Cámara. En particular, Chesebro fue acusado de siete delitos graves relacionados con la obstrucción del voto electoral, y se declaró culpable de uno de ellos: conspiración para presentar documentos falsos. [270]

El 18 de julio de 2023, Michigan acusó a 16 personas que firmaron documentos falsos. Al menos dos, Kathy Berden y Mayra Rodríguez, habían sido entrevistadas por el comité selecto.

El 5 de diciembre de 2023, Nevada acusó a seis personas de participar en el plan de falsificación de electores. Al menos dos de ellos, Michael J. McDonald y James DeGraffenreid, habían sido entrevistados por el comité selecto.

El 23 de abril de 2024, Arizona acusó formalmente a once electores falsos y siete aliados de Trump. Los aliados de Trump fueron Christina Bobb, John Eastman, Jenna Ellis, Boris Epshteyn , Rudy Giuliani, Mark Meadows y Mike Roman. La acusación formal también describió a cinco co-conspiradores no acusados, incluidos Trump y Chesebro. [271]

El 4 de junio de 2024, Wisconsin acusó a tres personas, incluido Chesebro.

Transcripciones de testimonios de testigos

A fines de diciembre de 2022, anticipando que el nuevo Congreso que se instalaría en enero no le permitiría continuar su trabajo, el comité publicó muchas de las transcripciones de los testimonios de sus testigos.

El 21 de diciembre, el comité publicó el primer lote. [13] Las transcripciones detallaban el testimonio de 34 testigos que en su mayoría invocaron la Quinta Enmienda y evitaron responder preguntas, [272] entre ellos:

El 22 de diciembre se publicaron más transcripciones que revelaron que Cassidy Hutchinson había dado testimonio adicional el 14 y 15 de septiembre de 2022, en el que afirmó que los aliados de Trump, incluido su abogado del "mundo Trump" Stefan Passantino, la habían presionado para que no hablara con el comité. [273] [274] (Passantino demandaría más tarde al comité por 67 millones de dólares en daños a su reputación. Fue representado por Jesse Binall.) [275]

El 23 de diciembre se publicaron 46 transcripciones de entrevistas más, entre ellas:

El 30 de diciembre, el comité publicó más transcripciones. [277]

Informe final

Material introductorio al informe final [9]
Informe final [10]

El 22 de diciembre de 2022 se publicó en línea el informe final. [278] El informe era definitivo porque el comité en sí mismo expiró dos semanas después, cuando finalizó el 117.º Congreso. [279] [67]

Varias editoriales lo imprimieron. Una edición de Penguin Random House tenía un prólogo de Schiff, [280] una de Celadon Books tenía un prefacio de David Remnick y un epílogo de Raskin, [281] y una de HarperCollins tenía una introducción de Ari Melber . [282]

Antes de la publicación

En octubre de 2022, el representante Lofgren dijo que el comité probablemente proporcionaría una versión sin censura de su informe final al Departamento de Justicia al mismo tiempo que el público recibiera una versión censurada. [283] En diciembre, el representante Schiff dijo que el comité publicaría su evidencia para que la recién elegida Cámara de Representantes de mayoría republicana (que pronto prestará juramento para el 118.º Congreso ) no pudiera "seleccionar ciertas pruebas y engañar al país con alguna narrativa falsa". [284]

Cuando el comité concluyó su trabajo a fines de 2022, se ordenó a los redactores del informe final que se centraran más en los presuntos delitos de Trump (investigados por el "Equipo Dorado" y revelados en las audiencias públicas) y menos en el fracaso de las fuerzas del orden para abordar la radicalización, los grupos armados y las amenazas violentas. [285] Algunos miembros del personal del comité expresaron su preocupación por el hecho de que la vicepresidenta Liz Cheney quisiera un informe anti-Trump para reforzar su propio futuro político. Otra persona citada por The Washington Post refutó anónimamente esa noción, diciendo que Cheney tenía la intención de producir una narrativa convincente y así evitar "una versión peor del informe de Mueller, que nadie leyó". [286] El 27 de noviembre de 2022, el representante Schiff dijo que los miembros del comité aún no habían llegado a un consenso sobre el enfoque del informe, pero también estaban "cerca de dejar la pluma". [287]

Se esperaba que el informe analizara la responsabilidad de otros por los acontecimientos entre las elecciones del 3 de noviembre de 2020 y el recuento de votos electorales del 6 de enero de 2021. Se esperaba que los temas incluyeran la recaudación de fondos del RNC, lo que sabía el Servicio Secreto y cómo respondió la Guardia Nacional. [195]

Aunque el comité celebró audiencias públicas antes de las elecciones intermedias de noviembre de 2022 , no publicó ningún informe escrito hasta ese momento. [288] [289]

Según la autorización original del comité, éste debía finalizar su labor 30 días después de presentar su informe final. [35] El 118º Congreso se reunió dos semanas después de que el comité publicara el informe, lo que hizo que el plazo de 30 días fuera irrelevante.

Resumen

El 19 de diciembre de 2022, el mismo día en que realizó las remisiones penales, el comité publicó un "Resumen ejecutivo" como introducción a su informe final. En él se describían 17 conclusiones fundamentales para fundamentar su razonamiento en las remisiones penales. [290] Parafraseadas, son las siguientes: [291]

  1. Trump mintió sobre el fraude electoral con el propósito de mantenerse en el poder y pedir dinero.
  2. Ignorando los fallos de más de 60 tribunales federales y estatales, conspiró para anular las elecciones.
  3. Presionó a Pence para que se negara ilegalmente a certificar la elección.
  4. Intentó corromper y utilizar como arma el Departamento de Justicia para mantenerse en el poder.
  5. Presionó a los legisladores y funcionarios estatales para que dieran resultados electorales diferentes.
  6. Él perpetró el esquema de los electores falsos .
  7. Presionó a los miembros del Congreso para que se opusieran a los electores reales.
  8. Aprobó documentos judiciales federales con información falsa sobre fraude electoral.
  9. Convocó a la multitud y les ordenó marchar hacia el Capitolio, sabiendo que algunos estaban armados.
  10. El 6 de enero de 2021, a las 2:24 p. m., tuiteó negativamente sobre Pence, incitando a más violencia.
  11. Pasó la tarde viendo la televisión, a pesar de las súplicas de sus asesores para que detuviera la violencia.
  12. Todo esto fue parte de una conspiración para anular las elecciones.
  13. Los servicios de inteligencia y las fuerzas del orden advirtieron al Servicio Secreto sobre Proud Boys y Oath Keepers .
  14. La violencia no fue causada por grupos de izquierda.
  15. La inteligencia no sabía que el propio Trump había conspirado con John Eastman y Rudy Giuliani.
  16. Antes del 6 de enero, la Policía del Capitolio no actuó ante la sugerencia de su jefe de policía de solicitar refuerzos a la Guardia Nacional.
  17. El 6 de enero, fue el Secretario de Defensa, no Trump, quien llamó a la Guardia Nacional.

Informe completo

El informe culpó a "un hombre", el expresidente estadounidense Donald Trump, por incitar el motín. [278] Proporcionó detalles sobre una campaña sólida y organizada para reunir y entregar una lista falsa de electores y nombró al abogado menos conocido de Trump, Kenneth Chesebro, como el arquitecto de la trama. [292] [293] Según el informe final, Donald Trump "trató de corromper al Departamento de Justicia de los EE. UU." al pedirle a los funcionarios del departamento que hicieran declaraciones falsas sobre las elecciones presidenciales, no había desplegado la Guardia Nacional de DC durante el ataque a pesar de tener la autoridad para hacerlo, e hizo "múltiples esfuerzos" para contactar a los testigos convocados para testificar ante el Comité Selecto de la Cámara. [294] [295] El informe acusó a Donald Trump de participar en una "conspiración criminal de varias partes" para anular los resultados de las elecciones de 2020". [296]

En los dos meses transcurridos entre las elecciones y el ataque al Capitolio, los aliados de Trump participaron en “al menos 200 actos aparentes de acercamiento, presión o condena pública o privada” a funcionarios electorales estatales. Tuvieron 68 comunicaciones con esos funcionarios (incluidas reuniones, llamadas telefónicas y mensajes de texto) e hicieron 125 publicaciones en las redes sociales sobre ellos. [297]

Cronología de los procedimientos

2021

Julio de 2021

Agosto de 2021

Septiembre 2021

El comité buscó identificar si la Casa Blanca estuvo involucrada en la planificación del ataque al Capitolio y si Trump personalmente tenía conocimiento previo del mismo. [308] El comité consideró emitir citaciones para obtener registros de llamadas o testimonios de altos funcionarios de la administración Trump, incluidos Meadows, el subdirector de gabinete Dan Scavino y el exdirector de campaña de Trump Brad Parscale . [309]

Octubre de 2021

Noviembre 2021

Diciembre de 2021

2022

Enero de 2022

Febrero de 2022

Marzo de 2022

Abril de 2022

Mayo de 2022

Junio ​​de 2022

Julio de 2022

Agosto de 2022

September 2022

  1. Requesting testimony from Mike Pence and Donald Trump.
  2. Whether to subpoena other high-profile individuals, including Virginia "Ginni" Thomas, the wife of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.
  3. Referring the former president to the Department of Justice (which is expanding its own criminal probe into January 6).[543]
  4. Taking action against the five Republican lawmakers in the House of Representatives who refused to cooperate with subpoenas: Kevin McCarthy (House Minority Leader), Jim Jordan, Mo Brooks, Andy Biggs, and Scott Perry.
  5. Inquiring into the U.S. Secret Service, including the deletion of text messages, as well as allegations that former Secret Service agent Tony Ornato was personally involved in efforts to discredit the testimony of Trump White House aide Cassidy Hutchinson.

October 2022

November 2022

December 2022

Subpoenas

The Select Committee's subpoena power comes pursuant to House Resolution 503, Section 5: Procedures:

"(c) Applicability of Rules Governing Procedures of Committees. – Rule XI of the Rules of Representatives shall apply to the Select Committee except as follows:

According to the Congressional Research Service, the chair (or a person they designate) can initiate and authorize subpoenas without consulting the vice-chair or other committee members.[628]

In the January 6th investigation, some people testified and provided documents voluntarily, while others were legally compelled by subpoenas.[629][177][630] The committee did not always publicly announce the subpoenas it issued.[113]

Notably:

Reactions

Prior to committee formation

According to several reports, Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy had warned Republican members that if they allowed Speaker Pelosi to appoint them to the select committee, they would be stripped of all their other committee assignments and should not expect to receive any future ones from Pelosi. In an interview with Forbes, Republican Rep. Adam Kinzinger of Illinois said "Who gives a shit?" and added, "When you've got people who say crazy stuff and you're not gonna make that threat, but you make that threat to truth-tellers, you've lost any credibility."[710]

Republican House Leader McCarthy called the rejection of his initial recommendations "unprecedented" in a phone call with Pelosi. In a press conference, he labeled her a "lame duck speaker" out to destroy the institution. The Freedom Caucus pushed for McCarthy to file a motion to vacate the speakership, and punish Cheney and Kinzinger for accepting their appointments to the committee.[711][712] McCarthy later dubbed them "Pelosi Republicans".[298][299] Republicans also stated that if they won the House majority in the 2022 midterm elections, they would come after Democratic committee assignments, targeting Eric Swalwell and Ilhan Omar.[712] Republican House Whip Steve Scalise stated that Pelosi had removed any credibility from the committee for rejecting their recommended members and opted instead for a political narrative.[712] Republicans Scott Perry, Chip Roy, and Kelly Armstrong expressed their disdain for both Cheney and Kinzinger and questioned their loyalty to the House Republican Conference, pushing for them to be stripped of their committee assignments.[298] Jim Banks and Mike Rogers stated that the two GOP committee members would be stuck to Pelosi's narrative of events.[298] Cheney and Kinzinger both dismissed comments from their colleagues.[298]

After Speaker Nancy Pelosi rejected two of Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy's picks for the committee and appointed Adam Schiff, The Wall Street Journal editorial board criticized her; while acknowledging that McCarthy's picks were partisan, it claimed that Schiff had "lied repeatedly about the evidence concerning the Trump campaign's collusion with Russia". The editorial board posited, "if Mrs. Pelosi thinks the evidence for her conclusion is persuasive, why would she not want to have it tested against the most aggressive critics?"[713] On the other hand, the San Francisco Chronicle editorial board said: "Pelosi's chief mistake was not also rejecting Rep. Troy Nehls of Texas, who, like Jordan, Banks and a majority of House Republicans, voted to overturn the election on the day of the insurrection. No serious investigation of the riot can be undertaken by those who shared the goals of the rioters." It added that "McCarthy and company killed an independent, bipartisan commission to investigate the attack even though the Republicans' top negotiator agreed to the terms."[714]

After committee formation

Some House Republicans—including House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Representative Jim Jordan—said they did not watch the committee's first hearing on July 27, 2021. Representative Matthew M. Rosendale said he watched Representative Liz Cheney speak (and was "quite disappointed") but did not watch the police officers' testimony. Republican Conference Chair Elise Stefanik would not say whether she watched.[715]

In late August 2021, after the committee asked telecommunications and social media companies to retain certain records, McCarthy declared that if the companies "turn over private information" to the House committee, then the companies are "in violation of federal law and subject to losing their ability to operate in the United States", and that a future Republican legislative majority will hold the companies "fully accountable".[716] In response to McCarthy's comment, the watchdog group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) filed a complaint on September 3 with the chief counsel of the Office of Congressional Ethics. CREW noted that the subpoena was legally valid and claimed that McCarthy was illegally obstructing the investigation insofar as he was "threatening retaliation" against the telecommunications companies.[717] Eleven House Republicans who were associated with the January 6 "Stop the Steal" rally sent a September 3 letter to thirteen telecommunications companies stating they "do not consent to the release of confidential call records or data" and threatened legal action against what they asserted were unconstitutional subpoenas.[718][719][720][721]

During a September 2 television interview, McCarthy was asked about "how deeply [Trump] was involved", to which he replied that the FBI and Senate committees had found "no involvement".[722] He and other Republicans had cited an exclusive Reuters report that unnamed current and former law enforcement officials said the FBI had found "scant evidence" of an organized plot to overturn the election. In a September 4 statement, Thompson and Cheney said the committee had queried executive branch agencies and congressional committees investigating the matter and "it's been made clear to us that reports of such a conclusion are baseless."[723][724]

On October 16, The Lincoln Project co-founder Rick Wilson criticized the committee's glacial progress, stating that "I don't believe that they're pursuing this with the degree of vigor that merits the type of targets they're talking about. We're dealing with people like Steve Bannon and Roger Stone and Ali Alexander ... They've had three months, they've done almost nothing."[725]

Representative Scott Perry said on December 21 that he would not cooperate with the committee because, in his view, the committee itself was "illegitimate, and not duly constituted under the rules of the US House of Representatives".[726] Similarly, on January 23, 2022, Newt Gingrich said on Fox News that he believed the committee was breaking laws, but he did not specify which laws.[727]

On December 23, Laurence Tribe, American legal scholar and University Professor Emeritus of Constitutional Law at Harvard University, and colleagues published in The New York Times about Attorney General Merrick Garland: "Only by holding the leaders of the Jan. 6 insurrection – all of them – to account can he secure the future and teach the next generation that no one is above the law. If he has not done so already, we implore the attorney general to step up to that task."[728]

In June 2022, Fox News announced that it would not carry live coverage of the hearings, relegating it to its sister channel Fox Business and local Fox network affiliates.[729][730][731] Fox News instead carried special editions of Tucker Carlson Tonight and Hannity (the former notably airing commercial-free) that largely featured criticism of the hearing,[731][732] with Carlson deeming it "propaganda", and lower thirds describing it as a "sham", "show trial" and "political theater".[733] The Washington Post reported that members of the committee were given increased security due to greater threats made against them.[734]

On December 21, a Republican-led "shadow committee" consisting of the five House members who Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy initially nominated to the official select committee released its final investigative report, which primarily focused on alleged failures of law enforcement agencies and House Democratic leaders in the lead up to the January 6 attack. The shadow committee's report accused the U.S. Capitol Police of mishandling critical intelligence in the lead-up to the attack, and placed overall blame for security failures on House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the House Democratic leadership, which the report claims were "closely involved in security decisions in the lead up to and on January 6" .[735][736]

After the final report

In December 2022, Donald Trump responded to the committee's final report by calling the members "Marxists" and "sick people".[737]

On February 22, 2023, Timothy Heaphy, who had served as the committee's top investigator, said he expected "indictments both in Georgia and at the federal level."[738]

On March 8, 2023, the Republican-controlled House Administration’s subcommittee on oversight opened an investigation to review the former House select committee's activities.[739] On August 25, Representative Barry Loudermilk, who was leading the inquiry, requested that the White House provide unredacted transcripts of the committee's interviews with Secret Service agents.[740] On March 11, 2024, the committee released a report criticizing the former House select committee's activities.[741]

In August 2023, Trump was charged with election interference, both federally and in Georgia. Those indictments resemble the information, conclusions, and recommendations made by the House select committee. Former Representative Kinzinger said the DOJ indictment "should have come down a year ago". Representative Raskin told Axios that while the House select committee had delivered "a huge amount of factual information," the federal indictment included "several quoted statements that were definitely new to me." Representative Schiff said that these "new pieces of information" were "principally from witnesses who refused to appear before our committee".[111]

On June 28, 2024, the Supreme Court decided in Fischer v. United States that prosecutors could validly bring an obstruction charge against someone for attempting to block the arrival of electoral certificates (which would likely apply to Trump and other high-level aides) but not simply for attempting to forcibly enter the Capitol building (as many rioters did).[742]

Three days later, on July 1, 2024, the Supreme Court decided in Trump v. United States that all former presidents have absolute immunity for their acts as President within their constitutional purview, presumptive immunity for official acts, and no immunity for unofficial acts.[743][744]

Polling

According to a poll conducted in July 2021 by Politico, a majority of Americans support the January 6 investigation, with 58% overall supporting and 29% opposing; 52% of Republicans polled opposed it.[745] When Politico repeated the poll in December 2021, again, three-fifths supported the committee, including 82% of Democrats, 58% of independents, and 40% of Republicans.[746]

In an August 2021 Harvard CAPS-Harris Poll, 58% of American voters said they thought the committee was biased, while 42% thought it was fair.[747] In September 2021, a Pew Research poll found that only 11% of American adults said they were very confident the committee would be fair and reasonable while another 34% were somewhat confident, while a 54% majority said they were not too confident (32%) or not at all confident (22%). Confidence was highly partisan: Nearly two-thirds of Democrats and less than a quarter of Republicans said they were at least somewhat confident.[748]

Just greater than half of Americans polled believe that Trump should face criminal charges for his role in the attack. A Washington Post–ABC News poll taken a week after the attack found 54% giving this response, and over a year later, it had not changed substantially, as 52% gave the same response to the same organization's poll conducted April 24–28, 2022. The division is partisan: five out of six Democrats support charging Trump, while five out of six Republicans oppose doing so.[749]

NBC News found that the percentage of Americans who believe that Trump was solely or mainly responsible for the January 6 attack dropped from 52% in January 2021 to 45% in May 2022. A decrease was found within all subgroups: Democrats, Republicans, and independents.[750] Opinions changed after the committee began public hearings. An Ipsos poll conducted June 17–18, 2022, found that 58% of Americans believe Trump is significantly responsible for the attack on the Capitol.[751] An Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll conducted June 23–27, 2022, found that 48% of Americans believe Trump should be charged with a crime.[752]

The same Ipsos poll on June 17–18, 2022, also found that 60% of Americans believe the committee's investigation is fair and impartial.[751] Similarly, an Economist/YouGov poll conducted June 18–21, 2022, found that 78% of Democrats, but only 15% of Republicans and 37% of independents, believe the committee's investigation is "legitimate". 78% of Democrats, but only 22% of Republicans and 41% of independents, said they "strongly" or "somewhat" approved of the committee's work.[753]

Notes

  1. ^ The new Congress convened on January 3; new representatives were sworn in four days later.
  2. ^ Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger had also both voted in January 2021 to impeach Trump for incitement of insurrection.
  3. ^ The rioter who pinned him with a riot shield pled not guilty and was convicted a year later. "Ridgefield Man Found Guilty on Multiple Charges in Connection to Jan. 6 Riot", NBC Connecticut, September 13, 2022. Accessed December 19, 2022.
  4. ^ The Guardian had reported the call on November 30.

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