Abul A'la al-Maududi ( Urdu : ابو الاعلی المودودی , romanizado : Abū al-Aʿlā al-Mawdūdī ; 25 de septiembre de 1903 - 22 de septiembre de 1979) fue un erudito islámico, ideólogo islamista , filósofo musulmán , jurista, historiador, periodista, activista y académico activo en la India británica y más tarde, tras la partición , en Pakistán . [1] Descrito por Wilfred Cantwell Smith como "el pensador más sistemático del Islam moderno", [2] sus numerosas obras, que "cubrían una gama de disciplinas como la exégesis coránica, el hadiz, el derecho, la filosofía y la historia", [3] fueron escritas en urdu , pero luego traducidas al inglés, árabe, hindi, bengalí, telugu , tamil , kannada, birmano , malabar y muchos otros idiomas. [4] Intentó revivir el Islam, [5] y propagar lo que él entendía como el "verdadero Islam". [6] Creía que el Islam era esencial para la política y que era necesario instituir la sharia y preservar la cultura islámica de manera similar a la del reinado de los califas Rashidun y abandonar la inmoralidad , de lo que él veía como los males del secularismo , el nacionalismo y el socialismo , que entendía como la influencia del imperialismo occidental . [7]
Fundó el partido islamista Jamaat-e-Islami . [8] [9] [10] En la época del movimiento de independencia de la India , Maududi y el Jamaat-e-Islami trabajaron activamente para oponerse a la partición de la India . [11] [12] [13] Después de que ocurrió, Maududi y sus seguidores cambiaron su enfoque a politizar el Islam y generar apoyo para hacer de Pakistán un estado islámico . [14] Se cree que ayudaron a influir en el general Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq para introducir la islamización en Pakistán , [15] y que él los fortaleció en gran medida después de que decenas de miles de miembros y simpatizantes obtuvieran trabajos en el poder judicial y el servicio civil durante su administración. [16] Fue el primer destinatario del Premio Internacional Rey Faisal de Arabia Saudita por su servicio al Islam en 1979. [17] Maududi fue parte del establecimiento y funcionamiento de la Universidad Islámica de Medina , Arabia Saudita. [18]
Maududi es aclamado por Jamaat-e-Islami , la Hermandad Musulmana , el Círculo Islámico de Norteamérica , Hamás y otras organizaciones.
Maududi nació en la ciudad de Aurangabad , en la India colonial , que entonces formaba parte del enclave estatal principesco de Hyderabad . Era el menor de los tres hijos de Ahmad Hasan, abogado de profesión. [19] Su hermano mayor, Sayyid Abu'l Khayr Maududi (1899-1979), más tarde se convertiría en editor y periodista. [20]
Aunque su padre era de clase media, de hecho era descendiente de los Chishti , su apellido se deriva del primer miembro de la Chishti Silsilah, es decir, Khawajah Syed Qutb ul-Din Maudood Chishti (fallecido en 527 AH). [21] [22] Afirmó que su familia paterna se mudó originalmente de Chicht, en el actual Afganistán , durante los días de Sikandar Lodi (fallecido en 1517), estableciéndose inicialmente en el estado de Haryana antes de mudarse a Delhi más tarde, y por el lado de su madre, su antepasado Mirza Tulak, un soldado de origen turco , se mudó a la India desde Transoxiana en la época del emperador Aurangzeb (fallecido en 1707), [23] mientras que su abuelo materno, Mirza Qurban Ali Baig Khan Salik (1816-1881), fue un escritor y poeta en Delhi, amigo del poeta urdu Ghalib . [24]
Hasta los nueve años, Maududi "recibió educación religiosa de manos de su padre y de una variedad de maestros empleados por él". [21] Como su padre quería que se convirtiera en un maulvi , esta educación consistió en aprender árabe, persa , ley islámica y hadiz . [25] También estudió libros de mantiq (lógica). [26] [27] Un niño precoz, tradujo al-Marah al-jadidah ("La nueva mujer") de Qasim Amin , una obra modernista y feminista, del árabe al urdu a la edad de 11 años. [28] [29] En el campo de la traducción, años más tarde, también trabajó en unas 3.500 páginas de Asfar , la obra principal del pensador místico persa - chiita del siglo XVII Mulla Sadra . [30] Su pensamiento influiría en Maududi, ya que "las nociones de Sadra sobre el rejuvenecimiento del orden temporal y la necesidad del reinado de la ley islámica (la sharia) para la ascensión espiritual del hombre, encontraron un eco en las obras de Maududi". [31]
Cuando tenía once años, Maududi fue admitido en el octavo grado directamente en Madrasa Fawqaniyya Mashriqiyya (Escuela Secundaria Oriental), Aurangabad , fundada por Shibli Nomani , un erudito islámico modernista que intentaba sintetizar la erudición islámica tradicional con el conocimiento moderno, y que despertó el interés duradero de Maududi en la filosofía (particularmente de Thomas Arnold , quien también enseñó la misma materia a Muhammad Iqbal ), así como las ciencias naturales , como las matemáticas, la física y la química . Luego se mudó a un Darul Uloom más tradicionalista en Hyderabad. Mientras tanto, su padre se mudó a Bhopal , allí Maududi se hizo amigo de Niaz Fatehpuri , otro modernista, donde sufrió un grave ataque de parálisis y murió sin dejar propiedades ni dinero, lo que obligó a su hijo a abortar su educación. En 1919, cuando tenía 16 años y todavía era un modernista, se mudó a Delhi y leyó libros de su pariente lejano, el reformista Sayyid Ahmad Khan . También aprendió inglés y alemán para estudiar, intensivamente, filosofía occidental , sociología e historia durante cinco años completos: finalmente llegó a la conclusión de que " los ulemas en el pasado no se esforzaron por descubrir las causas del ascenso de Europa, y ofreció una larga lista de filósofos cuya erudición había hecho de Europa una potencia mundial: Fichte , Hegel , Comte , Mill , Turgot , Adam Smith , Malthus , Rousseau , Voltaire , Montesquieu , Darwin , Goethe y Herder , entre otros. Comparando su contribución con la de los musulmanes, concluyó que estos últimos no alcanzaban ni siquiera el 1 por ciento". [25]
A pesar de su publicación inicial sobre electricidad en 'Maarif' en 1918 a la edad de 15 años [32] y su posterior nombramiento como editor del periódico semanal urdu Taj en 1920 a la edad de 17 años, [33] posteriormente reanudó sus estudios como autodidacta en 1921. Notablemente a través de la influencia de ciertos miembros de Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind , se dedicó a materias como física y Dars-e-Nizami . [34] Maududi obtuvo ijazahs, que son certificados y diplomas en el aprendizaje islámico tradicional. Sin embargo, se abstuvo de referirse a sí mismo como un 'alim' en el sentido formal, ya que percibía a los eruditos islámicos como regresivos, a pesar de cierta influencia de Deobandi sobre él: [35]
Dijo que era un hombre de clase media que había aprendido tanto de formas nuevas como antiguas de aprendizaje. Maududi concluyó que ni las escuelas tradicionales ni las contemporáneas son completamente correctas, basándose en su propia guía interior.
Maududi trabajó como editor de Al-Jamiah, un periódico de un grupo de musulmanes ortodoxos, entre 1924 y 1927. Esta época fue crítica y tuvo mucha influencia.
Maududi, que siempre ha mantenido su compromiso de lograr la independencia de Gran Bretaña , comenzó a cuestionar la legitimidad del Partido del Congreso y sus aliados musulmanes durante la década de 1920, cuando el partido adoptó una identidad más hindú . Comenzó a gravitar hacia el Islam [36] y creía que la democracia solo sería viable si la gran mayoría de los indios fueran musulmanes. [36]
Maududi regresó a Hyderabad en 1928 después de pasar algún tiempo en Delhi cuando era joven. [37]
Las obras de Maududi fueron escritas y publicadas a lo largo de su vida, incluyendo obras influyentes desde 1933 hasta 1941. La obra más conocida de Maududi, y ampliamente considerada su obra más importante e influyente, es el Tafhim-ul-Quran (Urdu: تفہيم القرآن, Romanizado: Hacia la comprensión del Corán), una traducción y comentario del Corán en 6 volúmenes de Maududi que Maududi pasó muchos años escribiendo (que se inició en Muharram, 1361 AH/febrero de 1942).
En 1932 se incorporó a otra revista ( Tarjuman al-Quran ) y desde 1932 a 1937 empezó a desarrollar sus ideas políticas, [21] y a volcarse hacia la causa del resurgimiento islámico y el Islam como ideología, [38] por encima de lo que él llamaba "religión tradicional y hereditaria". [39] El gobierno de Hyderabad ayudó a apoyar la revista comprando 300 suscripciones que donó a bibliotecas de toda la India. [40] Maududi estaba alarmado por el declive de Hyderabad, gobernada por musulmanes, el creciente secularismo y la falta de Purdah entre las mujeres musulmanas en Delhi. [41]
En 1937 entró en conflicto con la Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind y su apoyo a una sociedad india pluralista en la que la Jamiat esperaba que los musulmanes pudieran "prosperar... sin sacrificar su identidad o sus intereses". [42] Ese mismo año se casó también con Mahmudah Begum, una mujer de una antigua familia musulmana con "considerables recursos económicos". La familia le proporcionó ayuda financiera y le permitió dedicarse a la investigación y la acción política, pero su esposa había adoptado formas modernas y "liberadas", y al principio montaba en bicicleta y no observaba el purdah. Maududi le dio mayor libertad que a otros musulmanes. [43]
En esa época también comenzó a trabajar en el establecimiento de una organización para la Da'wah (propagación y predicación del Islam) que sería una alternativa tanto al Congreso Nacional Indio como a la Liga Musulmana . [44]
En esa época decidió abandonar Hyderabad y trasladarse al noroeste de la India, más cerca del centro de gravedad político musulmán de la India. En 1938, después de conocer al famoso poeta musulmán Muhammad Iqbal , Maududi se mudó a un terreno en el pueblo de Pathankot, en el Punjab, para supervisar un Waqf (fundación islámica) llamado Daru'l-Islam . [45]
Su esperanza era convertirla en un "centro neurálgico" del renacimiento islámico en la India, una comunidad religiosa ideal, que proporcionara líderes y la base para un movimiento religioso genuino. Escribió a varias luminarias musulmanas invitándolas a unirse a él allí. [46] La comunidad, como Jamaat-i-Islami más tarde, estaba compuesta por rukn (miembros), una shura' (un consejo consultivo) y un sadr (líder). [47] Después de una disputa con la persona que donó la tierra para la comunidad sobre la política antinacionalista de Maududi, Maududi renunció al waqf y en 1939 trasladó el Daru'l-Islam con sus miembros de Pathankot a Lahore . [47]
En Lahore fue contratado por el Islamiyah College , pero fue despedido después de menos de un año por sus conferencias abiertamente políticas. [48]
En agosto de 1941, Maududi fundó Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) en la India británica como un movimiento político religioso para promover los valores y prácticas islámicos. Su misión contó con el apoyo de Amin Ahsan Islahi, Muhammad Manzoor Naumani, Abul Hassan Ali Nudvi y Naeem Siddiqui . [ cita requerida ]
Jamaat-e-Islami se opuso activamente a la partición de la India , y su líder Abul A'la Maududi argumentó que ese concepto violaba la doctrina islámica de la ummah . [11] [12] [13] Jamaat-e-Islami vio la partición como la creación de una frontera temporal que dividiría a los musulmanes entre sí. [11] [12]
Maududi sostuvo que los humanos deberían aceptar la soberanía de Dios y adoptar el código divino, que reemplaza las leyes creadas por el hombre, calificándolo de "teodemocracia", [49] porque su gobierno se basaría en toda la comunidad musulmana, no en los ulemas (eruditos islámicos). [50]
Maududi emigró a Lahore, que pasó a formar parte del nuevo estado de Pakistán. [12]
Con la partición de la India en 1947, el JI se dividió para seguir las fronteras políticas de los nuevos países creados a partir de la India británica. La organización encabezada por Maududi pasó a conocerse como Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan , y el remanente del JI en la India como Jamaat-e-Islami Hind . Los partidos del JI posteriores fueron el Jamaat-e-Islami de Bangladesh y grupos autónomos en la Cachemira india . [51]
Con la fundación de Pakistán, la carrera de Maududi experimentó un "cambio fundamental", involucrándose cada vez más en la política y dedicando menos tiempo a actividades ideológicas y académicas. [52] Aunque su partido Jamaat-i Islami nunca desarrolló un gran número de seguidores, éste y Maududi sí desarrollaron una influencia política significativa. Jugó un "papel destacado" en la agitación que derribó al presidente Muhammad Ayub Khan en 1969 y en el derrocamiento del primer ministro Zulfikar Ali Bhutto en 1977. [53] Maududi y el JI fueron especialmente influyentes en los primeros años del gobierno de Muhammad Zia ul-Haq .
Su actividad política, en particular en apoyo de la creación de un Estado islámico, chocó con el gobierno (dominado durante muchos años por una clase política secular) y dio lugar a varios arrestos y períodos de encarcelamiento. El primero fue en 1948, cuando él y varios otros líderes del JI fueron encarcelados después de que Maududi se opusiera al patrocinio clandestino del gobierno a la insurgencia en Jammu y Cachemira, al tiempo que afirmaba respetar un alto el fuego con la India. [54] [12]
En 1951 [55] y de nuevo en 1956-7 [56], los compromisos implicados en la política electoral llevaron a una división en el partido debido a lo que algunos miembros sintieron que era una reducción de los estándares morales del JI. En 1951, la shura del JI aprobó una resolución en apoyo de la retirada del partido de la política [55] , mientras que Maududi abogó por la participación continua. Maududi prevaleció en una reunión abierta del partido en 1951, y varios líderes superiores del JI dimitieron en protesta, lo que fortaleció aún más la posición de Maududi y comenzó el crecimiento de un "culto a la personalidad" en torno a él. [55] En 1957, Maududi volvió a anular la votación de la shura para retirarse de la política electoral. [56]
En 1953, él y el JI participaron en una campaña contra la comunidad Ahmadía en Pakistán. [12] Los grupos antiahmadíes argumentaron que los ahmadíes no abrazaron a Mahoma como el último profeta. Maududi, así como los ulemas tradicionalistas de Pakistán, querían que los ahmadíes fueran considerados no musulmanes, que los ahmadíes como Muhammad Zafarullah Khan fueran destituidos de todos los puestos gubernamentales de alto nivel y que se prohibieran los matrimonios mixtos entre ahmadíes y otros musulmanes. [57] La campaña generó disturbios en Lahore , que llevaron a la muerte de al menos 200 ahmadíes y a la declaración selectiva de la ley marcial . [51]
Maududi fue arrestado por el despliegue militar encabezado por el teniente general Azam Khan y sentenciado a muerte por su participación en la agitación. [53] Sin embargo, la campaña anti-Ahmadi gozó de mucho apoyo popular, [58] y una fuerte presión pública finalmente convenció al gobierno de liberarlo después de dos años de prisión. [53] [59] Según Vali Nasr , la postura impasible y sin complejos de Maududi después de ser sentenciado, ignorando el consejo de pedir clemencia, tuvo un efecto "inmenso" en sus partidarios. [60] Fue visto como una "victoria del Islam sobre el no-Islam", prueba de su liderazgo y fe firme. [60]
En particular, Maududi defendía que el Estado paquistaní debía respetar el Corán y la Sunnah, incluso en lo que respecta a la banca convencional y los derechos de los musulmanes, las minorías, los cristianos y otras sectas religiosas como los Ahmadiyya . [61]
Un Estado islámico es un Estado musulmán, pero un Estado musulmán no puede ser un Estado islámico a menos y hasta que la Constitución del Estado esté basada en el Corán y la Sunnah.
La campaña desplazó el foco de la política nacional hacia la islamidad. [62] La Constitución de 1956 fue adoptada después de dar cabida a muchas de las demandas del JI. Maududi respaldó la constitución y afirmó que era una victoria para el Islam. [62]
Sin embargo, tras un golpe de Estado del general Ayub Khan , la constitución fue archivada y Maududi y su partido fueron reprimidos políticamente; Maududi fue encarcelado en 1964 y nuevamente en 1967. El JI se unió a una alianza de oposición con partidos seculares, comprometiéndose con la doctrina para apoyar a una candidata mujer ( Fatima Jinnah ) a la presidencia contra Khan en 1965. [62] En las elecciones generales de diciembre de 1970, Maududi recorrió el país como "líder en espera" [63] y el JI gastó considerable energía y recursos en presentar 151 candidatos. A pesar de esto, el partido ganó solo cuatro escaños en la asamblea nacional y cuatro en las asambleas provinciales. [63]
La pérdida llevó a Maududi a retirarse del activismo político en 1971 y regresar a la academia. [64] En 1972 dimitió como Ameer (líder) del JI por razones de salud. [51] Sin embargo, fue poco después cuando el islamismo cobró fuerza en Pakistán en la forma del movimiento Nizam-i-Mustafa (Orden del Profeta), una alianza de grupos políticos conservadores unidos contra Zulfikar Ali Bhutto a la que el JI dio forma y que reforzó su posición. [53] [65]
En 1977, Maududi "volvió al centro de la escena". Cuando Bhutto intentó desactivar las tensiones el 16 de abril de 1977, fue a la casa de Maududi para consultas. [65] Cuando el general Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq derrocó a Bhutto y llegó al poder en 1977, "otorgó a Mawdudi el estatus de estadista de alto rango, buscó su consejo y permitió que sus palabras adornaran las primeras páginas de los periódicos. Maududi se mostró receptivo a las propuestas de Zia y apoyó su decisión de ejecutar a Bhutto". [65] A pesar de algunas diferencias doctrinales (Maududi quería la sharia mediante la educación en lugar de por decreto estatal [66] ), Maududi apoyó con entusiasmo a Zia y su programa de islamización o " sharización ". [53]
Maududi volcó su energía en libros, panfletos y más de 1000 discursos y comunicados de prensa, sentando las bases para hacer de Pakistán un estado islámico, pero también tratando una variedad de temas de interés en Pakistán y el mundo musulmán. [4] Buscó ser un Mujaddid , "renovando" ( tajdid ) la religión. Este papel tenía una gran responsabilidad ya que creía que un Mujaddid "en general, tiene que emprender y realizar el mismo tipo de trabajo que realiza un Profeta". [67] Si bien los mujaddids anteriores habían renovado la religión, él también quería "propagar el verdadero Islam, cuya ausencia explicaba el fracaso de los esfuerzos anteriores en tajdid". [68] [69] [70] Estaba muy desanimado después del colapso otomano , creía que la visión limitada de los musulmanes del Islam en lugar de una ideología completa de vida, era su causa principal. Argumentó que para revivir el orgullo islámico perdido, los musulmanes deben aceptar el Islam como una forma completa de vida. [1]
Mawdudi estuvo muy influenciado por las ideas del teólogo medieval Ibn Taymiyya , particularmente sus tratados que enfatizaban la Soberanía ( Hakimiyya ) de Dios. Mawdudi enfatizaría que la Yihad armada era imperativa para todos los musulmanes contemporáneos y, como Sayyid Qutb, llamó a una "Yihad universal". [71] Según al menos un biógrafo ( Vali Nasr ), Maududi y la YI se alejaron de algunas de sus ideas doctrinales más controvertidas (por ejemplo, la crítica al sufismo o a los Ulama ) y se acercaron al Islam ortodoxo a lo largo de su carrera, con el fin de "expandir" la "base de apoyo" de Jama'at-e Islami. [72]
Maududi creía que el Corán no era simplemente literatura religiosa para ser "recitada, meditada o investigada en busca de verdades ocultas", según Vali Nasr, sino una "institución socio-religiosa", [73] una obra que debía ser aceptada "al pie de la letra" y obedecida. [74] Al implementar sus prescripciones, se resolverían los males de las sociedades. [74] Enfrentaba la verdad y la valentía contra la ignorancia, la falsedad y el mal. [75]
El Corán es... un Libro que contiene un mensaje, una invitación, que genera un movimiento. En el momento en que comenzó a ser transmitido, impulsó a un hombre tranquilo y piadoso a... alzar su voz contra la falsedad, y lo enfrentó a una lucha cruenta contra los señores de la incredulidad, el mal y la iniquidad... atrajo a todas las almas puras y nobles, y las reunió bajo el estandarte de la verdad. En cada parte del país, hizo que todos los malvados y corruptos se levantaran y declararan la guerra contra los portadores de la verdad. [76]
En su tafsir (interpretación coránica) Tafhimu'l-Qur'an , introdujo los cuatro conceptos interrelacionados que creía esenciales para entender el Corán: ilah (divinidad), rabb (señor), ' ibadah (adoración, que no significa apreciar o alabar a Dios sino actuar en absoluta obediencia a Él [77] ), y din (religión). [73]
Maududi consideraba a los musulmanes no sólo como aquellos que seguían la religión del Islam , sino como (casi) todo, porque la obediencia a la ley divina es lo que define a un musulmán: “Todo en el universo es ‘musulmán’ porque obedece a Alá mediante la sumisión a Sus leyes”. [78] Las leyes del universo físico –que el Cielo está sobre la Tierra, que la noche sigue al día, etc.– eran parte de la sharia tanto como la prohibición del consumo de alcohol y de los intereses sobre las deudas. De ahí que las estrellas, los planetas, los océanos, las rocas, los átomos, etc., en realidad deberían ser considerados “musulmanes”, ya que obedecen las leyes de su creador. [78]
En lugar de que los musulmanes sean una minoría entre los humanos (un grupo religioso entre muchos), los no musulmanes son una pequeña minoría entre todo lo que existe en el universo. De todas las criaturas, sólo los humanos (y los genios ) están dotados de libre albedrío, y sólo los humanos no musulmanes (y los genios) eligen usar esa voluntad para desobedecer las leyes de su creador. [78]
Maududi creía que los elementos de la ley divina del Islam que se aplicaban a los seres humanos cubrían todos los aspectos de la vida.
El Islam no es una «religión» en el sentido en que se entiende comúnmente este término. Es un sistema que abarca todos los campos de la vida. Islam significa política, economía, legislación, ciencia, humanismo, salud, psicología y sociología. Es un sistema que no hace discriminación por motivos de raza, color, idioma u otras categorías externas. Su atractivo es para toda la humanidad. Quiere llegar al corazón de cada ser humano. [79]
Mawdudi adoptó las doctrinas del teólogo clásico Hanbali Ibn Taymiyya sobre la apostasía , que afirmaba que un individuo sólo puede ser considerado musulmán si sus creencias encuentran una representación adecuada en sus actos. [80] Al describir las condiciones esenciales del Islam y enfatizar la diferencia entre musulmanes y no musulmanes , Mawdudi afirma:
«El Islam es ante todo el nombre del conocimiento [ʿ ilm ] y, después del conocimiento, el nombre de la acción [ʿ amal ]», que «después de haber adquirido el conocimiento es una necesidad también actuar en consecuencia» y que «un musulmán se distingue de un incrédulo [ kāfir ] sólo por dos cosas: una es el conocimiento, la otra la acción [en consecuencia]». [80]
Pero al rechazar el Islam (creía Maududi), los no musulmanes luchaban contra la verdad:
Su misma lengua, que por su ignorancia aboga por la negación de Dios o profesa múltiples deidades, es por su propia naturaleza “musulmana”... El hombre que niega a Dios es llamado Kafir (ocultador) porque oculta con su incredulidad lo que es inherente a su naturaleza y está embalsamado en su propia alma. Todo su cuerpo funciona en obediencia a ese instinto... La realidad se le aleja y él queda en la oscuridad. [81]
Puesto que el musulmán es el que obedece la ley divina, el simple hecho de haber hecho una shahada (declaración de creencia en la unicidad de Dios y la aceptación de Mahoma como profeta de Dios) o haber nacido en una familia musulmana no lo convierte en musulmán. [82] [83] Tampoco es parte de la religión del Islam la búsqueda del “conocimiento de Dios”. [84] El musulmán es un “esclavo de Dios”, y la “obediencia absoluta a Dios” es un “derecho fundamental” de Dios. El musulmán “no tiene derecho a elegir su forma de vida ni a asumir los deberes que quiera”. [85]
Aunque estableció un estándar muy alto para quienes podrían ser considerados musulmanes, Maududi fue firme en su postura de que el castigo para un musulmán que abandonaba la fe era la muerte. Escribió que entre los primeros musulmanes, entre las escuelas de fiqh tanto suníes como chiítas , entre los eruditos de la sharia "de todos los siglos... disponibles en los registros", hay un acuerdo unánime en que el castigo para los apóstatas es la muerte, y que "no queda lugar alguno para sugerir" que esta pena no haya "estado en funcionamiento de manera continua e ininterrumpida" a lo largo de la historia islámica; la evidencia de los textos tempranos de que Mahoma pidió que se matara a los apóstatas, y que los compañeros del Profeta y los primeros califas ordenaron decapitaciones y crucifixiones de apóstatas nunca ha sido declarada inválida a lo largo de la historia de la teología islámica (Christine Schirrmacher). [86]
De todos los aspectos del Islam, Maududi estaba principalmente interesado en la cultura [7] —preservar la vestimenta, el idioma y las costumbres islámicas, [87] de (lo que él creía que eran) los peligros de la emancipación de las mujeres , el secularismo , el nacionalismo , etc. [7] También era importante separar el reino del Islam del no Islam —formar "límites" alrededor del Islam. [88] [89] [90] También se probaría científicamente (creía Maududi) que el Islam "eventualmente... surgiría como la Religión Mundial para curar al Hombre de todas sus enfermedades". [91] [92]
Pero lo que muchos musulmanes, incluidos muchos ulemas , consideraban el Islam, Maududi no lo hacía. Maudid se quejaba de que "no más del 0,001%" de los musulmanes sabía lo que era realmente el Islam. [77] [93] Maududi no sólo idealizaba los primeros años de la sociedad musulmana (Mahoma y los califas " correctamente guiados "), [94] sino que consideraba que lo que vino después era antiislámico o jahiliya , con la excepción de breves resurgimientos religiosos. [95] La filosofía, la literatura, las artes y el misticismo musulmanes eran sincréticos e impuros, y desviaban la atención de lo divino. [96]
Maududi tenía una perspectiva única sobre la transmisión de los hadices , es decir, los hechos y dichos del profeta islámico Mahoma que se transmitían oralmente antes de ser escritos y que forman la mayor parte de la base de la ley islámica. La autenticidad y la "calidad" de los hadices se dejan tradicionalmente al juicio de "generaciones de muhaddithin " (eruditos del hadiz) que basan sus decisiones en factores como el número de cadenas de transmisión oral (conocidas como isnad ) que transmiten el texto del hadiz ( matn ) y la fiabilidad de los transmisores/narradores que transmiten el hadiz en la cadena. Pero Maududi creía que "con un estudio y una práctica extensos uno puede desarrollar un poder y puede sentir intuitivamente los deseos y anhelos del Santo Profeta", y que él tenía esa capacidad intuitiva. "Por lo tanto... al ver un hadiz, puedo decir si el Santo Profeta pudo o no haberlo dicho". [97] Maududi también discrepó con muchos musulmanes conservadores/tradicionales al argumentar que, al evaluar los hadices, los eruditos del hadiz tradicional habían ignorado la importancia del matn (contenido) en favor del isnad (cadena de transmisión del hadiz). [98] Maududi también rompió con la doctrina tradicional al plantear la cuestión de la fiabilidad de los compañeros del profeta como transmisores del hadiz, diciendo que "incluso los nobles Compañeros fueron superados por las debilidades humanas, atacándose unos a otros". [99]
Maududi escribió varios ensayos sobre la Sunnah [100] [101] —las costumbres y prácticas de Mahoma— y buscó un camino intermedio entre la creencia de los islamistas conservadores de que la Sunnah del profeta debe ser obedecida en todos los aspectos, y las tradiciones que nos dicen que Mahoma cometió errores, [102] y no siempre fue obedecido por sus seguidores ( Zayd se divorció de su esposa en contra de los deseos de Mahoma). [103] Mawdudi argumentó que los errores de Mahoma corregidos por Dios mencionados en el Corán deben considerarse no como una indicación de la fragilidad humana de Mahoma, sino de cómo Dios monitoreó su comportamiento y corrigió incluso sus errores más pequeños. [103] Mawdudi concluyó que en teoría ( naẓarī ) las capacidades proféticas y personales del Profeta son separadas y distintas, pero en la práctica ( ʿamalī ) no es "ni práctico ni permisible" que los mortales decidan por sí mismos cuál es cuál, y por lo tanto los musulmanes no deben ignorar ningún aspecto de la sunnah. [103]
Según Irfan Ahmad, si bien Maududi se oponía a toda influencia occidental en el Islam, para él “la mayor amenaza a la moralidad” era “la visibilidad de las mujeres” en los bazares, las universidades, los teatros y los restaurantes. “El arte, la literatura, la música, el cine, la danza, el uso del maquillaje por parte de las mujeres: todo ello eran signos estridentes de inmoralidad”. [104]
Maududi predicaba que el deber de la mujer es administrar el hogar, criar a los hijos y proporcionarles a ellos y a su marido "la mayor comodidad y satisfacción posibles". [105] Maududi apoyaba el velo completo y la segregación de las mujeres tal como se practicaba en la mayor parte de la India musulmana de su tiempo. Las mujeres, creía él, debían permanecer en sus casas excepto cuando fuera absolutamente necesario. El único lugar para la discusión que veía en la cuestión del velo/ hiyab era "si las manos y el rostro" de las mujeres "debían estar cubiertos o dejados descubiertos". [106] [107] Sobre esta cuestión Maududi se inclinaba por el cubrimiento completo de los rostros de las mujeres siempre que salieran de sus casas. [106]
En cuanto a la separación de los géneros, predicó que los hombres debían evitar mirar a otras mujeres que no fueran sus esposas, madres, hermanas, etc. ( mahram ), y mucho menos tratar de conocerlas. [108] Se opuso al control de la natalidad y la planificación familiar por considerarlos una "rebelión contra las leyes de la naturaleza", [109] y un reflejo de la pérdida de la fe en Dios —quien es el planificador de la población humana [110] — e innecesarios porque el crecimiento de la población conduce al desarrollo económico. [106] Mohammad Najatuallah Siddiqui escribe:
En cuanto al argumento de que la planificación familiar permite una mejor alimentación y educación de los niños, Mawdudi se refiere a los efectos beneficiosos de la adversidad y la necesidad en el carácter humano. [111] [112]
Maududi se opuso a que se permitiera a las mujeres ser jefas de Estado o legisladoras, ya que "según el Islam, la política activa y la administración no son el campo de actividad de las mujeres". [113] Se les permitiría elegir su propia legislatura compuesta exclusivamente por mujeres, a la que la legislatura masculina debería consultar sobre todos los asuntos relacionados con el bienestar de las mujeres. Su legislatura también tendría "pleno derecho a criticar asuntos relacionados con el bienestar general del país", aunque no a votar sobre ellos. [113]
Maududi consideraba que la música y el baile eran males sociales. Al describir la maldad que se deriva de ignorar la ley islámica, no sólo incluía el hecho de dejar a los pobres “en la inanición y la miseria” mientras se regodeaban en el lujo, el alcohol y las drogas, sino también el hecho de tener “una necesidad constante” de música, satisfecha con “músicos, bailarinas, percusionistas y fabricantes de instrumentos musicales”. [114]
Su conferencia de 1941 "El problema económico del hombre y su solución islámica" es "considerada generalmente como uno de los documentos fundadores de la economía islámica moderna". [115] [116] [117] Maududi ha sido llamado el líder de la "vanguardia de la ortodoxia islámica contemporánea" en " riba y finanzas". [117] y se le atribuye el mérito de sentar "las bases para el desarrollo" de la economía islámica. [118]
Sin embargo, Maududi creía que el Islam "no se ocupa de los modos de producción y circulación de la riqueza", [119] y que estaba principalmente interesado en cuestiones culturales más que socioeconómicas. [62] Maududi desestimó la necesidad de una "nueva ciencia económica, plasmada en libros voluminosos, con terminología altisonante y una gran organización", [120] u otros "expertos y especialistas" que, según él, eran "una de las muchas calamidades de la era moderna". [121] Pero como el Islam era un sistema completo, incluía un programa económico (basado en la sharia), comparable y (por supuesto) superior a otros sistemas económicos. El capitalismo era un "sistema económico satánico", empezando por el hecho de que exigía posponer parte del consumo en favor de la inversión.
Una de las mayores falacias de la economía era que consideraba "una tontería y moralmente reprobable" gastar "todo lo que uno gana, y a todo el mundo se le dice que debe ahorrar algo de sus ingresos y depositarlos en el banco o comprar una póliza de seguros o invertirlos en acciones y participaciones de sociedades anónimas". De hecho, la práctica de ahorrar y no gastar una parte de los ingresos es "ruinosa para la humanidad". [122] Esto llevó a la sobreproducción y a una espiral descendente de salarios más bajos, proteccionismo , guerras comerciales e intentos desesperados de exportar el excedente de producción y capital mediante invasiones imperialistas de otros países, [123] que finalmente terminaron en "la destrucción de toda la sociedad, como todo economista erudito sabe". [124]
Por otra parte, el socialismo , al poner el control de los medios y la distribución de la producción en manos del gobierno, concentra el poder hasta tal punto que inevitablemente conduce a la esclavización de las masas. [125] Los socialistas intentaron acabar con la explotación económica y la pobreza mediante cambios estructurales y poniendo fin a la propiedad privada de la producción y la propiedad. Pero, de hecho, la pobreza y la explotación no son causadas por el afán de lucro, sino por la falta de "virtud y bienestar público" entre los ricos, que a su vez proviene de una falta de adhesión a la ley sharia . [126] En una sociedad islámica, la codicia, el egoísmo y la deshonestidad serían reemplazados por la virtud, eliminando la necesidad de que el Estado haga alguna intervención significativa en la economía. [127]
Según Maududi, este sistema sería un "punto medio" entre los dos extremos del capitalismo de laissez faire y una sociedad socialista/comunista regimentada, [128] incorporando todas las virtudes y ninguno de los vicios de los dos sistemas inferiores. [129] No sería una especie de economía mixta / compromiso socialdemócrata (como algunos alegaron), porque al seguir la ley islámica y prohibir el alcohol, el cerdo, el adulterio, la música, el baile, los intereses de los préstamos, el juego, la especulación, el fraude y "otras cosas similares", [130] sería distinto y superior a todos los demás sistemas. [129]
Antes de que la economía (como el gobierno y otras partes de la sociedad) pudieran islamizarse, tendría que producirse una revolución islámica a través de la educación para desarrollar esta virtud y crear apoyo para la ley sharia total . [127] Esto puso a Maududi en desventaja política con respecto a los programas populistas y socialistas porque su solución no era "ni inmediata ni tangible". [131]
De todos los elementos de las leyes islámicas que tratan sobre la propiedad y el dinero (pago del zakat y otros impuestos islámicos , etc.), Maududi enfatizó la eliminación del interés sobre los préstamos ( riba ). (Según un erudito, esto se debió a que en la India británica los hindúes dominaban el comercio de préstamos de dinero.) [127]
Maududi se oponía a todo tipo de intereses sobre préstamos, ya que los consideraba una usura antiislámica . Enseñó que no había
No hay casi ningún país en el mundo en el que los prestamistas y los bancos no estén chupando la sangre de las clases trabajadoras pobres, los agricultores y los grupos de bajos ingresos... Una parte importante de los ingresos de un trabajador es expropiada por los prestamistas, dejando al pobre hombre con apenas dinero suficiente para alimentarse a sí mismo y a su familia. [132]
Si bien el Corán prohíbe muchos pecados, reserva sus “condiciones de castigo más severas” –según Maududi– para el uso del interés. [Nota 1]
Él creía que no existía tal cosa como una "tasa de interés razonable" baja [133] y que incluso "la forma más pequeña y aparentemente inofensiva" [124] de interés era intolerable en el Islam ya que las tasas aumentarían inevitablemente con el tiempo cuando los "capitalistas" (prestamistas) exprimieran a los empresarios (prestatarios) eliminando cualquier ganancia empresarial. [134] [135] Para reemplazar la financiación basada en intereses, propuso la "inversión de capital directa" (también conocida como participación en ganancias y pérdidas ), que afirmó que favorecería empresas "socialmente rentables" como la vivienda de bajos ingresos que las finanzas convencionales ignoran a favor de las comercialmente rentables. [136] Para eliminar el cobro de intereses, propuso el castigo penal con la pena de muerte para los reincidentes. [137] [138]
Feisal Khan dice que la descripción que hace Maududi de la financiación basada en intereses se parece más a la dinámica entre el campesino del sur de Asia y el prestamista de la aldea que entre el prestamista y el prestatario de un banco moderno; Maududi tampoco dio ninguna explicación de por qué la financiación directa de capital conduciría a más inversiones en lo que es bueno para la sociedad pero no comercialmente rentable para los financistas que los préstamos basados en intereses. [139]
A diferencia de islamistas como el ayatolá Ruhollah Khomeini , Maududi tenía una antipatía visceral hacia el socialismo , [131] al que pasó mucho tiempo denunciando como "impío", además de innecesario y redundante frente al Estado islámico. [131] Un firme defensor de los derechos de propiedad, advirtió a los trabajadores y campesinos que "nunca deben tomar la visión exagerada de sus derechos que los protagonistas de la guerra de clases presentan ante ustedes". [131] [140] Tampoco creía en la intervención en la economía para proporcionar empleo universal.
El Islam no obliga a la sociedad a proporcionar empleo a todos y cada uno de sus ciudadanos, ya que esta responsabilidad no puede aceptarse sin una nacionalización completa de los recursos del país. [127] [141]
Maududi held to this position despite his florid denunciations of how the rich were "sucking the blood" and enslaving the poor,[132][142] the popularity of populism among many Pakistanis,[131] and the poverty and vast gap between rich and poor in Pakistan (a situation often described a "feudal" (jagirdari) in its large landholdings and rural poverty).
He openly opposed land reform proposals for Punjab by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in the 1950s, going so far as to justify feudalism by pointing to Islam's protection of property rights.[143] He later softened his views, extolling economic justice and equity (but not egalitarianism),[144] but cautioned the government against tampering with "lawful Jagirdari",[143] and continuing to emphasize the sanctity of private property.[144]
Maududi believed that Islam supported modernization but not Westernization.[145] He agreed with Islamic Modernists that Islam contained nothing contrary to reason, and that it was superior in rational terms to all other religious systems. He disagreed with their practice of examining the Quran and the Sunnah using reason as the standard, instead of starting from the proposition that "true reason is Islamic" and accepting the Book and the Sunnah, rather than reason, as the final authority.[146]
He also took a narrow view of ijtihad, limiting the authority to use it to those with thorough grounding in Islamic sciences, faith in the sharia, and then only to serve the needs of his vision of an Islamic state.[147]
At the same time, one scholar, Maryam Jameelah, has noted the extensive use of modern, non-traditionally Islamic ideas and "Western idioms and concepts" in Maududi's thought.
Islam was a "revolutionary ideology" and a "dynamic movement", the Jama'at-e-Islami, was a "party", the Shari'ah a complete "code" in Islam's "total scheme of life." His enthusiasm for [Western idioms and concepts] was infectious among those who admired him, encouraging them to implement in Pakistan all his "manifestos", "programmes" and "schemes'", to usher in a true Islamic "renaissance".[87][148]
Abul A'la Maududi, condemned Mughal Emperor Akbar's belief in an individual's common spirituality (controversially known as the Din-e Ilahi, or "Religion of God") as a form of apostasy. (Contemporary scholars such as S. M. Ikram argue that Akbar's true intentions were to create an iradat or muridi (discipleship) and not a new religion.)[149]
Maududi appears to be a critic of not only Western Civilization but also of the Mughal Empire, many of whose achievements he deemed "Unislamic".
Maududi did not see secularism as a way for the state/government to dampen tensions and divisions in multi-religious societies by remaining religiously neutral and avoid choosing sides. Rather, he believed, it removed religion from society (he translated secularism into Urdu as la din, literally "religionless"[150]). Since (he believed) all morality came from religion, this would necessarily mean "the exclusion of all morality, ethics, or human decency from the controlling mechanisms of society."[151] It was to avoid the "restraints of morality and divine guidance", and not out of pragmatism or some higher motive, that some espoused secularism.[152]
Maududi believed "modern science was a 'body' that could accommodate any 'spirit'—philosophy or value system—just as radio could broadcast Islamic or Western messages with equal facility."[153]
Maududi strongly opposed the concept of nationalism, believing it to be shirk (polytheism),[154][155] and "a Western concept which divided the Muslim world and thus prolonged the supremacy of Western imperialist powers".[156] After Pakistan was formed, Maududi and the JI forbade Pakistanis to take an oath of allegiance to the state until it became Islamic, arguing that a Muslim could in clear conscience render allegiance only to God.[54][157]
Maududi also criticized traditionalist clergy or ulama for their "moribund" scholastic style, "servile" political attitudes, and "ignorance" of the modern world".[158] He believed traditional scholars were unable to distinguish the fundamentals of Islam from the details of its application, built up in elaborate structures of medieval legal schools of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). To rid Islam of these obscure laws Muslims should return to the Quran and Sunna, ignoring judgments made after the reign of the first four "rightfully guided" caliphs (al-Khulafāʾu ar-Rāshidūn) of Islam.[159]
Maududi also believed there would be little need for the traditional roll of ulama as "leaders, judges, and guardians of the community", in a "reformed and rationalized Islamic order" where those trained in modern as well as traditional subjects would practice ijtihad and where Muslims were educated properly in Arabic, the Quran, Hadith, etc.[158]
However, over time Maududi became more orthodox in his attitudes,[160] including toward the ulama, and at times allied himself and his party with them after the formation of Pakistan.[161]
Like other contemporary revivalists, Maududi was critical of Sufism and its historical influence in the early part of his life.[162][163] However, as he got older, his views on Sufism changed and focused his criticism mainly on unorthodox and popular practices of Sufism that was not based on the Sharia [164] In his youth, Maududi studied various sciences of Tasawwuf under the Deobandi seminary in Fatihpuri Mosque; from where he obtained an Ijazat (certificate) on the subject "gradations of mystical ecstasy" in 1926. Influenced by the Deobandi reformist doctrines and writings of past scholars like Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab; Mawdudi opposed folkish forms of excessive Sufism. Maududi's conception of Tasawwuf was based on strict adherence to Qur'an and Sunnah like those of the earlier Sufis. He was heavily critical of the cult of saints that developed during the medieval period of Islam, and believed that abiding by the sharia (Islamic law) was essential to achieve Zuhd and Ihsan. Most significantly, Maududi asserts that the very highest stage of Ihsan was to be reached through collective societal efforts that establishes a just Islamic state as what occurred during the early period of Islam in the Rashidun Calpihate.[165]
Maududi would later clarify that he did not have any antagonism towards Sufism as a whole; by himself or the Jama'at.[166][167] (According to at least one biographer, this change in position was a result of the importance of Sufism in Pakistan not only among the Muslim masses but the ulama as well.)[168] Maududi distinguished between the Orthodox Sufism of Shaikhs like 'Alau'ddin Shah which were bounded in the Sharia (which he approved of), and the shrines, festivals, and rituals of unorthodox popular Sufism (which he did not).[166] While praising Tasawwuf that strictly abides by the Qur'an and Sunnah, Mawdudi condemned later manifestations of Sufism, writing in Risala-i diniyya (Treatise on Religion):
"They polluted the pure spring of Islamic Tasawwuf with absurdities that could not be justified by any stretch of imagination on the basis of the Qur'an and the Hadith. Gradually a section of Muslims appeared who thought and proclaimed themselves immune to and above the requirements of the Shari'ah. These people are totally ignorant of Islam, for Islam cannot admit of Tasawwuf that loosens itself out of the Shariah and takes liberties with it. No Sufi has the right to transgress the limits of the Shariah or treat lightly the primary obligations such as daily prayers, fasting, zakat and the Hajj"[165]
He "redefined" Sufism, describing it not in the modern sense as the form and spirit of an "esoteric dimension" of Islam, but as the way to measure "concentration" and "morals" in religion, saying: "For example, when we say our prayers, Fiqh will judge us only by fulfillment of the outward requirements such as ablution, facing toward the Ka'ba ... while Tasawwuf (Sufism) will judge our prayers by our concentration ... the effect of our prayers on our morals and manners."[166][169]
Sufism is a reality whose signs are the love of Allah and the love of the Prophet (s), where one absents oneself for their sake, and one is annihilated from anything other than them, and it is to know how to follow the footsteps of the Prophet (s). ..Tasawwuf searched for the sincerity in the heart and the purity in the intention and the trustworthiness in obedience in an individual's actions." "The Divine Law and Sufism: "Sufism and Shariah: what is the similitude of the two? They are like the body and the soul. The body is the external knowledge, the Divine Law, and the spirit is the internal knowledge.[170]
From the mid-1960s onward, "redefinition" of Islam "increasingly gave way to outright recognition of Tasawwuf", and after Maududi's death the JI amir Qazi Hussain Ahmad went so far as to visit the Sufi Data Durbar shrine in Lahore in 1987 as part of a tour to generate mass support for JI.[72] However, as of 2000s, Jamaat-e Islami has grown more critical of certain Sufi trends.[171]
Maududi believed that sharia was not just a crucial command that helped define what it meant to be a Muslim, but something without which a Muslim society could not be Islamic:
That if an Islamic society consciously resolves not to accept the sharia, and decides to enact its own constitution and laws or borrow them from any other source in disregard of the sharia, such a society breaks its contract with God and forfeits its right to be called 'Islamic.'"[172]
Many unbelievers agreed that God was the creator, what made them unbelievers was their failure to submit to his will, i.e. to God's law. Obedience to God's law or will was "the historical controversy that Islam has awakened" throughout the world. It brought not only heavenly reward, but earthly blessing. Failure to obey, or "rebellion" against it, brought not only eternal punishment, but evil and misery here on earth.[78]
The source of sharia, was to be found not only in the Quran but also in the Sunnah (the doings and sayings of the Islamic prophet Muhammad), since the Quran proclaimed "Whoever obeys the messenger [i.e. Muhammad] obeys Allah."[Quran 4:80][173]Sharia was perhaps most famous for calling for the abolition of interest-bearing banks, hadd penalties such as flogging and amputation for alcohol consumption, theft, fornication, adultery and other crimes.[174] Hadd penalties have been criticized by Westernized Muslims as cruel and in violation of international human rights but Maududi argued that any cruelty was far outweighed by the cruelty in the West that resulted from the absence of these punishments,[175][176][177] and in any case would not be applied until Muslims fully understood the teachings of their faith and lived in an Islamic state.[175]
But in fact sharia was much more than these laws. It recognizes no division between religion and other aspects of life, in Maududi's view,[178][179] and there was no area of human activity or concern which the sharia did not address with specific divine guidance.[151]
Family relationships, social and economic affairs, administration, rights and duties of citizens, judicial system, laws of war and peace and international relations. In short it embraces all the various departments of life ... The sharia is a complete scheme of life and an all-embracing social order where nothing is superfluous and nothing lacking.[180][181]
A "very large part" of sharia required "the coercive power and authority of the state" for its enforcement.[182] Consequently, while a state based on Islam has a legislature which the ruler must consult, its function "is really that of law-finding, not of law-making."[183]
At the same time, Maududi states ("somewhat astonishingly" according to one scholar)[184] "there is yet another vast range of human affairs about which sharia is totally silent" and which an Islamic state may write "independent" legislation.[184]
According to scholar (Vali Nasr), Maududi believed that the sharia needed to be "streamlined, reinterpreted, and expanded" to "address questions of governance to the extent required for a state to function." For example, sharia needed to "make clear the relation between the various branches of government".[185]
Though the phrase "Islamic Revolution" is commonly associated with the 1979 Iranian Revolution,[186] (or General Zia's Islamisation),[187] Maududi coined and popularized it in the 1940s. The process Maududi envisioned—changing the hearts and minds of individuals from the top of society downward through an educational process or da'wah[188]—was very different than what happened in Iran, or under Zia ul-Haq. Maududi talked of Islam being "a revolutionary ideology and a revolutionary practice which aims at destroying the social order of the world totally and rebuilding it from scratch",[189][190][191] but opposed sudden change, violent or unconstitutional action, and was uninterested in grassroots organizing, socio-economic changes, or even street demonstrations, often associated with revolutions.
His "revolution" would be achieved "step-by-step"[192][193] with "patience",[194] since "the more sudden a change, the more short-lived it is."[195]He warned against the emotionalism of "demonstrations or agitations, ... flag waving, slogans ... impassioned speeches ... or the like".[196] He believed that "societies are built, structured, and controlled from the top down by conscious manipulation of those in power,"[197] not by grassroots movements. The revolution would be carried out by training a cadre of pious and dedicated men who would lead and then protect the Islamic revolutionary process.[188] To facilitate this far-reaching program of cultural change, his party "invested heavily" in producing and disseminating publications.[187]
Maududi was committed to non-violent legal politics "even if the current methods of struggle takes a century to bear fruit."[198] In 1957 he outlined a new Jama'at policy declaring that "transformation of the political order through unconstitutional means" was against sharia law.[199] Even when he and his party were repressed by the Ayub Khan or People's Party (in 1972) governments, Maududi kept his party from clandestine activity.[200] It was not until he retired as emir of JI that JI and Jam'iat-e Tulabah "became more routinely involved in violence."[144]
The objective of the revolution was to be justice (adl) and benevolence (ihsan), but the injustice and wrong to be overcome that he focused on was immorality (fahsha) and forbidden behavior (munkarat).[198] Maududi was interested in ethical changes, rather than socio-economic changes of the sort that drive most historical revolutions and revolutionary movements. He did not support these (for example, opposing land reform in the 1950s as an encroachment on property rights)[143] and believed the problems they addressed would be solved by the Islamic state established by the revolution.[201]
The modern conceptualization of the "Islamic state" is also attributed to Maududi.[186] This term was coined and popularized in his book, The Islamic Law and Constitution (1941),[202] and in subsequent writings.[186]
After the creation of Pakistan, Maududi's "concentrated" his efforts on converting it to an Islamic state, where he envisioned Sharia would be enforced—banks that charged and gave interest would be abolished, the sexes would be segregated, hijab compulsory, and the hadd penalties (public lashing, amputation of hands and/or feet, stoning to death, etc.) for theft, alcohol consumption, adultery and other crimes.[203]
Maududi's Islamic state is both ideological and all-embracing,[204] based on "Islamic Democracy,"[205] and will eventually "rule the earth".[206] In 1955 he described it as a "God-worshipping democratic Caliphate, founded on the guidance vouchsafed to us through Muhammad."[207][208] Ultimately though, Islam was more important and the state would be judged by its adherence to din (religion and the Islamic system) and not democracy.[209]
Unlike the Islamic state of Ayatollah Khomeini, it would not establish and enforce Islamisation, but follow the Islamisation of society. As Maududi became involved in politics, this vision was "relegated to a distant utopia".[210]
Three principles underlying it: tawhid (oneness of God), risala (prophethood) and khilafa (caliphate).[211][212][213][214] The "sphere of activity" covered by the Islamic state would be "co-extensive with human life ... In such a state no one can regard any field of his affairs as personal and private."[215]
The Islamic state recognizes the sovereignty of God, which meant God was the source of all law.[216] The Islamic state acts as the vicegerent or agent of God on earth[Quran 24:55][173] and enforces Islamic law, which as mentioned above is both all-embracing and "totally silent" on a "vast range of human affairs".[184] While the government follows the sharia law, when it comes to a question about which no explicit injunction is to be found in the sharia, the matter is "settled by consensus among the Muslims."[217][218]
The state can be called a caliphate, but the "caliph" would not be the traditional descendant of the Quraysh tribe[219] but (Maududi believed) the entire Muslim community, a "popular vicegerency".[173] (Although there would also be an individual leader chosen by the Muslim community.) Thus the state would be not a "theocracy", but a "theodemocracy".[218]Maududi believed that the sovereignty of God (hakimiya) and the sovereignty of the people are mutually exclusive.[220]Sovereignty of human beings is simply the domination of man by man, the source of most human misery and calamity.[221]Governance based on sovereignty other than that of God's does not just lead to inferior governance and "injustice and maladministration", but "evil."[222]
Therefore, while Maududi used the term democracy to describe his state,[223][224] (in part to appeal to Westernized Muslim intellectuals),[225] his "Islamic democracy" was to be the antithesis of secular Western democracy which transfers hakimiya (God's sovereignty) to the people,[226] who may pass laws without regard for God's commands.
The Islamic state would conduct its affairs by mutual consultation (shura) among all Muslims.[218]The means of consultation should suit the conditions of the particular time and place but must be free and impartial. While the government follows the sharia law, when it comes to a question about which no explicit injunction is to be found in the sharia, the matter is "settled by consensus among the Muslims."[217][218] Maududi favored giving the Islamic state exclusive right to the power of declaring jihad and ijtihad (establishing an Islamic law through "independent reasoning"), traditionally the domain of the ulama.[227]
While no aspect of life was to be considered "personal and private"[215] and the danger of foreign influence and conspiracies was ever present, (nationalism, for example, was "a Western concept which divided the Muslim world and thus prolonged the supremacy of Western imperialist powers"[156]), there would also be personal freedom and no suspicion of government. Maududi's time spent in jail as a political prisoner led him to have a personal interest in individual rights, due process of law, and freedom of political expression.[228]Maududi stated:
This espionage on the life of the individual cannot be justified on moral grounds by the government saying that it is necessary to know the secrets of the dangerous persons.... This is exactly what Islam has called as the root cause of mischief in politics. The injunction of the Prophet is: "When the ruler begins to search for the causes of dissatisfaction amongst his people, he spoils them" (Abu Dawud).[229]
However, the basic human right in Islamic law was to demand an Islamic order and to live in it. Not included were any rights to differ with its rulers and defy its authority.[230]
According to Maududi, Islam had an "unwritten constitution" that needed "to be transformed into a written one".[56][231] The constitution would not be the sharia (or the Quran, as Saudi Arabia's constitution is alleged to be) but a religious document based on "conventions" of the "rightly guided caliphs", and the "canonized verdicts of recognized jurists" (i.e. the sharia) as well as the Quran and hadith.[185]
In expanding on what the government of an Islamic state should look like in his book The Islamic Law and Constitution, Maududi took as his model the government of Muhammad and the first four caliphs (al-Khulafāʾu ar-Rāshidūn). The head of state should be the supreme head of legislature, executive and judiciary alike, but under him these three organs should function "separately and independently of one another." This head of state should be elected and must enjoy the country's confidence, but he is not limited to terms in office.[232] No one is allowed to nominate him for the office, nor to engage in electioneering or run for office, according to another source.[227]Because "more than one correct position" could not exist, "pluralism", i.e. competition between political views/parties, would not be allowed,[227][233] and there would be only one party.[234]
On the other hand, Maududi believed the state had no need to govern in the Western sense of the term, since the government and citizenry would abide by the same "infallible and inviolable divine law", power would not corrupt and no one would feel oppressed. Power and resources would be distributed fairly. There would be no grievances, no mass mobilizations, demands for political participation, or any other of the turmoil of non-Islamic governance.[235] Since the prophet had told early Muslims "My community will never agree on an error", there was no need for establishing concrete procedures and mechanisms for popular consultation.[236][237]
Since the state would be defined by its ideology—not by boundaries or ethnicity—its raison d'etre and protector would be ideology, the purity of which must be protected against any efforts to subvert it.[238] Naturally it must be controlled and run exclusively by Muslims,[239] and not just any Muslims but only "those who believe in the ideology on which it is based and in the Divine Law which it is assigned to administer".[240][241]
The state's legislature "should consist of a body of such learned men who have the ability and the capacity to interpret Quranic injunctions and who in giving decisions, would not take liberties with the spirit or the letter of the sharia". Their legislation would be based on the practice of ijtihad[242] (a source of Islamic law, relying on careful analogical reasoning, using both the Qu'ran and Hadith, to find a solution to a legal problem), making it more a legal organ than a political one.[242]They must also be "persons who enjoy the confidence of the masses". They may be chosen by "the modern system of elections", or by some other method which is appropriate to "the circumstances and needs of modern times."[232] Since upright character is essential for office holders and desire for office represents greed and ambition, anyone actively seeking an office of leadership would be automatically disqualified.[243]
Non-Muslims or women may not be a head of state but could vote for separate legislators.[244]
Originally Maududi envisioned a legislature only as a consultative body, but later proposed using a referendum to deal with possible conflicts between the head of state and the legislature, with the loser of the referendum resigning.[245] Another later rule was allowing the formation of parties and factions during elections of representatives but not within the legislature.[232]
In the judiciary, Maududi originally proposed the inquisitional system where judges implement law without discussion or interference by lawyers, which he saw as un-Islamic. After his party was "rescued" from government repression by the Pakistani judiciary he changed his mind, supporting autonomy of the judiciary and accepting the adversarial system and right of appeal.[246]
Secular Western representative democracy—despite its free elections and civil rights—is a failure (Mawdudi believed) for two reasons. Because secular society has "divorced" politics from religion, its leaders have "ceased to attach much or any importance to morality and ethics" and so ignore their constituents' interests and the common good. Furthermore, without Islam "the common people are incapable of perceiving their own true interests". An example being the Prohibition law in the United States, where despite the fact that (Maududi states) "it had been rationally and logically established that drinking is injurious to health, produces deleterious disorder in human society", the law banning alcohol consumption was repealed by the American Congress.[247]
Maududi believed that copying cultural practices of non-Muslims was forbidden in Islam, having
very disastrous consequences upon a nation; it destroys its inner vitality, blurs its vision, befogs its critical faculties, breeds inferiority complexes, and gradually but assuredly saps all the springs of culture and sounds its death-knell. That is why the Holy Prophet has positively and forcefully forbidden the Muslims to assume the culture and mode of life of the non-Muslims.[248]
In his commentary on Surah An-Nisa Ayat 160 he wrote
The Jews, on the whole, are not satisfied with their own deviation from the path of God. They have become such inherent criminals that their brains and resources seem to be behind almost every movement which arises for the purpose of misleading and corrupting human beings. And whenever there arises a movement to call people to the Truth, the Jews are inclined to oppose it even though they are the bearers of the Scripture and inheritors of the message of the Prophets. Their latest contribution is Communism – an ideology which is the product of a Jewish brain and which has developed under Jewish leadership. It seems ironical that the professed followers of Moses and other Prophets should be prominent as the founders and promoters of an ideology which, for the first time in human history, is professedly based on a categorical denial of, and an undying hostility to God, and which openly strives to obliterate every form of godliness. The other movement which in modern times is second only to Communism in misleading people is the philosophy of Freud. It is a strange coincidence that Freud too was a Jew.[249][250]
He was appalled at (what he saw as) the
satanic flood of female liberty and licence which threatens to destroy human civilisation in the West.[251]
Maududi strongly opposed the Ahmadiyya sect, a sect which Maududi and many other Muslims do not consider as Muslim. He preached against Ahmadiyya in his pamphlet The Qadiani Problem and the book The Finality of Prophethood.[252]
The rights of non-Muslims are limited under Islamic state as laid out in Maududi's writings. Although non-Muslim "faith, ideology, rituals of worship or social customs" would not be interfered with, non-Muslims would have to accept Muslim rule.
Islamic 'jihad' does not recognize their right to administer state affairs according to a system which, in the view of Islam, is evil. Furthermore, Islamic 'jihad' also refuses to admit their right to continue with such practices under an Islamic government which fatally affect the public interest from the viewpoint of Islam."[253]
Non-Muslims would be eligible for "all kinds of employment", but must be "rigorously excluded from influencing policy decisions"[254][255] and so not hold "key posts" in government and elsewhere.[256]They would not have the right to vote in presidential elections or in elections of Muslim representatives. This is to ensure that "the basic policy of this ideological state remains in conformity with the fundamentals of Islam." An Islamic Republic may however allow non-Muslims to elect their own representatives to parliament, voting as separate electorates (as in the Islamic Republic of Iran).[257] While some might see this as discrimination, Islam has been the most just, the most tolerant and the most generous of all political systems in its treatment of minorities, according to Maududi.[258]
Non-Muslims would also have to pay a traditional special tax known as jizya. Under Maududi's Islamic state, this tax would be applicable to all able-bodied non-Muslim men—elderly, children and women being exempt—in return from their exemption from military service, (which all adult Muslim men would be subject to).[259] Those who serve in the military are exempted. Non-Muslims would also be barred from holding certain high level offices in the Islamic state.[57] Jizya is thus seen as a tax paid in return for protection from foreign invasion,[260] but also as a symbol of Islamic sovereignty.
... Jews and the Christians ... should be forced to pay Jizya in order to put an end to their independence and supremacy so that they should not remain rulers and sovereigns in the land. These powers should be wrested from them by the followers of the true Faith, who should assume the sovereignty and lead others towards the Right Way.[261]
Maududi's first work to come to public attention was Al Jihad fil-Islam ("Jihad in Islam"), which was serialized in a newspaper in 1927, when he was only twenty-four.[262] In it he maintained that because Islam is all-encompassing, the Islamic state was for all the world and should not be limited to just the "homeland of Islam" where Muslims predominate. Jihad should be used to eliminate un-Islamic rule everywhere and establish a worldwide Islamic state:
Islam wishes to destroy all states and governments anywhere on the face of the earth which are opposed to the ideology and programme of Islam, regardless of the country or the nation which rules it. The purpose of Islam is to set up a state on the basis of its own ideology and programme, regardless of which nation assumes the role of the standard-bearer of Islam or the rule of which nation is undermined in the process of the establishment of an ideological Islamic State. Islam requires the earth—not just a portion, but the whole planet.... because the entire mankind should benefit from the ideology and welfare programme [of Islam] ... Towards this end, Islam wishes to press into service all forces which can bring about a revolution and a composite term for the use of all these forces is 'Jihad'.... the objective of the Islamic 'jihād' is to eliminate the rule of an un-Islamic system and establish in its stead an Islamic system of state rule.[263]
Maududi taught that the destruction of the lives and property of others was lamentable (part of the great sacrifice of jihad), but that Muslims must follow the Islamic principle that it is better to "suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss". Though in jihad "thousands" of lives may be lost, this cannot compare "to the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God."[264]
He explained that jihad was not only combat for God but activity by the rear echelon in support those waging combat (qitaal), including non-violent work:
In the jihad in the way of Allah, active combat is not always the role on the battlefield, nor can everyone fight in the front line. Just for one single battle preparations have often to be made for decades on end and the plans deeply laid, and while only some thousands fight in the front line there are behind them millions engaged in various tasks which, though small themselves, contribute directly to the supreme effort.[265]
At the same time he took a more conservative line on jihad than other revivalist thinkers (such as Ayatollah Khomeini and Sayyid Qutb), distinguishing between jihad properly understood and "a crazed faith ... blood-shot eyes, shouting Allahu akbar, decapitating an unbeliever wherever they see one, cutting off heads while invoking La ilaha illa-llah [there is no god but God]". During a cease-fire with India (in 1948), he opposed the waging of jihad in Kashmir, stating that Jihad could be proclaimed only by Muslim governments, not by religious leaders.[143]
As the Amir (Guide) of Jama'at e-Islami (JI), Mawdudi remained in close contact with JI members, conducting informal discussions every day in his house between Asr and Maghrib salat prayers,[266] although according to some, in later years discussion was replaced by answers to members' questions with any rebuttals ignored.[267]
For his votaries in the Jama'at, Maududi was not only a "revered scholar, politician, and thinker, but a hallowed Mujaddid."[5]Adding to his mystic was his survival of assassination attempts, while the Jama'at's enemies (Liaquat Ali Khan, Ghulam Muhammad, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, Ayub Khan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) "fell from grace" or were killed.[6] He had a powerful command of Urdu language which he insisted on using, in order to "free Muslims minds from the influence of English."[268]
In private he has been described as "strict but not rigid", taciturn, poised, composed, uncompromising and unyielding.[64] His biographers have talked of his karamat (special gifts) and haybah (great presence)."[6] His public speaking style has been described as having "great authority". Maududi would make his argument step-by-step with Islamic edicts, rather than attempting to excite his audience with oratory.[267] Although he did not publicize the fact, Maududi was a practitioner of traditional medicine or unani tibb.[64]
Maududi has been described as close to his wife, but not able to spend much time with his six sons and three daughters due to his commitments to religious dawah and political action. Only one of his offspring, ever joined the JI. And only his second daughter Asma, showed "any scholarly promise".[269]
Maududi suffered from a kidney ailment most of his life. He was often bedridden in 1945 and 1946, and in 1969 was forced to travel to England for treatment.[269]
In April 1979, Maududi's long-time kidney ailment worsened and by then he also had heart problems. He went to the United States for treatment and was hospitalized in Buffalo, New York, where his second son worked as a physician. Following a few surgical operations, he died on 22 September 1979, at the age of 75. His funeral was held in Buffalo, but he was buried in an unmarked grave at his residence in Ichhra, Lahore after a very large funeral procession through the city.[59] Yusuf al-Qaradawi led the funeral prayer for him.[270]
Mawdudi is regarded by many as "the most influential" of the contemporary Islamic revivalist scholars; whose efforts influenced revivalism across the Islamic World.[271] His doctrines would also inspire the Iranian revolution and shape the ideological foundations of Al-Qaeda.
In Pakistan, (where the JI claims to be the oldest religious party[51]) it is "hard to exaggerate the importance" of that country's "current drift" toward Maududi's "version of Islam", according to scholar Eran Lerman.[272]
His background as a journalist, thinker, scholar and political leader has been compared to Indian independence leader Abul Kalam Azad by admiring biographers.[273]
He and his party are thought to have been the most important factors in Pakistan working to generate support for an Islamic state.[14] They are thought to have helped inspire General Zia-ul-Haq to introduce "Sharization" to Pakistan,[15](Sharia laws decreed by Zia included bans on interest on loans (riba), deduction by the government of 2.5% annual Zakat tax from bank accounts, the introduction of Islamic punishments such as stoning and amputation with the 1979 Hudood Ordinances. One policy of Zia's that was originally proposed by Maududi, and not found in classic Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), was the introduction of separate electorates for non-Muslims (Hindus and Christians) in 1985.[274])
In return, Maududi's party was greatly strengthened by Zia with 10,000s of members and sympathizers given jobs in the judiciary and civil service early in Zia's rule.[16]
South Asia in general, including the diaspora, including "significant numbers" in Britain, was "hugely influenced" by Maududi's work.[275]
Outside of South Asia, Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb read him, according to historian Philip Jenkins. Qutb "borrowed and expanded" Maududi's concept of Islam being modern, Muslims have fallen into pre-Islamic ignorance (Jahiliyya), and of the need for an Islamist revolutionary vanguard movement. His ideas influenced Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian Islamist jurist and renewer of jihad in Afghanistan and elsewhere.[275]
Maududi also had a major impact on Shia Iran, where Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is reputed to have met Maududi as early as 1963 and later translated his works into Persian. "To the present day, Iran's revolutionary rhetoric often draws on his themes."[275]
In Turkey, where his name is spelled Mevdudi, from the mid-1960s onward his "full oeuvre was available in Turkey within a few years" and he became an influential figure within the local Islamist circles.[276]
Mawdudi is considered as "second to Qutb" among the intellectual fathers of contemporary militant Islamist movements.[71] According to Youssef M. Choueiri, "all the major contemporary radicalised" Islamist movements (the Tunisian Islamic Tendency, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization, and the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria), "derive their ideological and political programmes" from the writings of Maududi and Sayyid Qutb.[277]
His works have also influenced the leadership of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in their ideology.[278]
Maududi wrote 73 books,[64] 120 booklets and pamphlets, and made more than 1000 speeches and press statements.[59] His magnum opus was the 30 years in progress translation (tafsir) in Urdu of the Qur'an, Tafhim ul-Qur'an (The Meaning of the Qur'an, also Introductions to the Qur'an), intended to give the Qur'an a self-claim interpretation. It became widely read throughout the South Asia and has been translated into several languages.[59]
Some of his books translated into English.
Other noteworthy books by Maududi.
In the debate over whether Muslims should establish their own state, separate from a Hindu India, Maududi initially argued against such a creation and asserted that the establishment of a political Muslim state defined by borders violated the idea of the universal umma. Citizenship and national borders, which would characterize the new Muslim state, contradicted the notion that Muslims should not be separated by one another by these temporal boundaries. In this milieu, Maududi founded the organization Jama'at-i Islamic. ... The Jama'at for its first few years worked actively to prevent the partition, but once partition became inevitable, it established offices in both Pakistan and India.
The Jama'at -i-lslami was founded in 1941. Maulana Maududi being its founder strongly opposed the idea of creating Pakistan, a separate Muslim country, by dividing India, but surprisingly after the creation of Pakistan he migrated to Lahore. Again in the beginning he was opposed to and denounced the struggle for Kashmir as un-Islamic, for which he was imprisoned in 1950, but later on in 1965, he changed his views and endorsed the Kashmir war as Jihad. Maulana Maududi took an active part in demanding discriminative legislation and executive action against the Ahmadi sect leading to widespread rioting and violence in Pakistan. He was persecuted arrested and imprisoned for advocating his political ideas through his writings and speeches. During the- military regime from 1958 the Jama'at-iIslami was banned and was revived only in 1962, Maududi was briefly imprisoned. He refused to apologize for his actions or to request clemency from the government. He demanded his freedom to speak and accepted the punishment of death as the will of God. His fierce commitment to his ideals caused his supporters worldwide to rally for his release and the government acceded commuting his death sentence to a term of life imprisonment. Eventually the military government pardoned Maulana Maududi completely.
Maududi made plenty of enemies in his lifetime – but his most significant domestic impact came after his death. Pakistan's military ruler General Zia-ul-Haq put some of Maududi's ideas into practice in 1979, turning Islamic "sharia-based criminal punishments into law.
... Zia rewarded the only political party to offer him consistent support, Jamaat-e-Islami. Tens of thousands of Jamaat activists and sympathizers were given jobs in the judiciary, the civil service and other state institutions. These appointments meant Zia's Islamic agenda lived on long after he died.
From 1956, the discussion of the role of Islam in the constitution, died down and Maududi, until restricted by ill-health in 1969, traveled widely outside Pakistan. He was a particularly frequent visitor to Saudi Arabia, where he took part in both the establishment and the running of Medina's Islamic university and the World Muslim League.
Syde Abul A'ala Maududi founded Jamaat-e-Islami in August 1941 ... Maududi proposed forming a Muslim theodemocracy in which Islamic law would guide public policy in all areas of life. (Maududi specifically rejected the term 'theocracy' to describe his ideal state, arguing that the truly Islamic state would be ruled not by the ulema but by the entire Muslim community.) ... Maududi founded the Jamaat-e-Islami as a vehicle for developing and establishing such a state.
A Muslim is not a Muslim by appellation or birth, but by virtue of abiding by holy law.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)To the woman it assigns the duty of managing the household, training and bringing up children in the best possible way, and providing her husband and children with the greatest possible comfort and contentment. The duty of the children is to respect and obey their parents, and, when they are grown up, to serve them and provide for their needs.
Outside the pale of the nearest relations between whom marriage is forbidden men and women have been asked not to mix freely with each other and if they do have to have contact with each other they should do so with purdah. When women have to go out of their homes, they should ... be properly veiled. They should also cover their faces and hands as a normal course. Only in genuine necessity can they unveil, and they must recover as soon as possible.... men have been asked to keep down their eyes and not to look at women.... To try to see them is wrong and to try to seek their acquaintance is worse.
He agreed with them in holding that Islam required the exercise of reason by the community to understand God's decrees, in believing, therefore, that Islam contains nothing contrary to reason, and in being convinced that Islam as revealed in the Book and the Sunna is superior in purely rational terms to all other systems. But he thought they had gone wrong in allowing themselves to judge the Book and the Sunna by the standard of reason. They had busied themselves trying to demonstrate that "Islam is truly reasonable" instead of starting, as he did, from the proposition that "true reason is Islamic". Therefore they were not sincerely accepting the Book and the Sunna as the final authority, because implicitly they were setting up human reason as a higher authority (the old error of the Mu'tazilites). In Maududi's view, once one has become a Muslim, reason no longer has any function of judgement. From then on its legitimate task is simply to spell out the implications of Islam's clear commands, the rationality of which requires no demonstration.
(Page of Prof. Emerita Frances W. Pritchett, Columbia University)
shun the language and terminology of the Sufis; their mystical allusions and metaphoric references, their dress and etiquette, their master-disciple institutions and all other things associated with it.
... And Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) ... revealed the final code of human guidance, in all its completeness.
the abolition of interest-bearing banks, sexual segregation and veiling of women, and the hadd penalties for theft, adultery and other crimes
the power to rule over the earth has been promised to the whole community of believers. [italics original]
no creature has the right to impose his will or words on other creatures and ... this is a right exclusively reserved for God himself ... if we invest some human agency with superhuman mantle of sovereignty ... injustice and maladministration of the most contagious type [invariably results] .... Evil is inherent in the nature of such a system.
... what we Muslims call democracy is a system wherein the people enjoy only the right of Khilafat or vicegerency of God.
It is clear from a careful consideration of the Qura'an and the Sunnah that the state in Islam is based on an ideology ... the community that runs the Islam State ... those who do not accept it are not entitled to have any hand in shaping the fundamental policy of the state.
The people delegate their sovereignty to their elected representative [who] make and enforce laws. [Because of the] divorce ... between politics and religion ... society ... have ceased to attach much or any importance to morality and ethics ... these representatives ... soon set themselves up as an independent authority and assume the position of overlords ... They often make laws not in the best interest of the people ... but to further their own sectional and class interests ... This is the situation which besets people in England, America and in all those countries which claim to be the haven of secular democracy.
[Second reason is] it has been established by experience that the great mass of the common people are incapable of perceiving their own true interests [and] quite often ... reject the pleas of reason simply because it conflicts with [their] passion and desire. [An example being the] Prohibition Law of America. It had been rationally and logically established that drinking is injurious to health, produces deleterious disorder in human society. [But after] the law was passed by the majority vote [the people] revolted against it ... because the people had been completely enslaved by their habit and could not forgo the pleasure of self-indulgence. They delegated their own desires and passions as their ilahs (gods) at whose call they all went in for the repeal of [prohibition].
[Under Islamic law] There would remain neither that tyranny of cruelty and oppression, nor that satanic flood of female liberty and licence which threatens to destroy human civilisation in the West.
Mawdudi had inflamed the passions of many Muslims against the Ahmadi by publishing his pamphlet The Qadiani Question and his book The Finality of Prophethood. Both works contained a scathing attack on Ahmadi teaching, especially the idea that there can be prophecy after the Prophet.
The greatest sacrifice for God is made in Jihad, for in it a man sacrifices not only his own life and property in His cause but destroys those of others also. But, as already stated, one of the Islamic principles is that we should suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss. How can the loss of some lives – even if the number runs into thousands – be compared to the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God. That would be a far greater loss and calamity, for as a result of it not only would the religion of God be under dire threat, the world would also become the abode of evil and perversion, and life would be disrupted both from within and without.
it is hard to exaggerate the importance of its [Pakistan's] current drift toward's Maududi's version of Islam
In 1985 Pakistan's previous military ruler, General Zia ul Haq, had introduced separate electorates for Pakistan's minorities. Under the measure, Muslims voted for Muslims, Christians for Christians and Hindus for Hindus.
... all the major contemporary radicalist movements, particularly the Tunisian Islamic Tendency, led by Rashid Ghannushi, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization and the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, derive their ideological and political programmes from the writings of al Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb.
