El Estado Libre de Prusia ( ‹Ver Tfd› Alemán : Freistaat Preußen , pronunciado [ˈfʁaɪʃtaːt ˈpʁɔʏsn̩] ) fue uno de los estados constituyentes deAlemaniadesde 1918 hasta 1947. Sucesor delReino de Prusiadespués de la derrota delImperio alemánenla Primera Guerra Mundial, continuó siendo el estado dominante en Alemania durante laRepública de Weimar, como lo había sido durante el imperio, a pesar de que la mayoría delas pérdidas territoriales de Alemaniaen Europa después de la guerra habían provenido de sus tierras. Albergaba la capital federal,Berlín, y tenía el 62% del territorio de Alemania y el 61% de su población. Prusia cambió del estado autoritario que había sido en el pasado y se convirtió en una democracia parlamentaria bajo suconstitución de 1920.Durante el período de Weimar fue gobernada casi en su totalidad por partidos prodemocráticos y demostró ser más estable políticamente que la propia República. Con solo breves interrupciones, elPartido Socialdemócrata(SPD) proporcionó elministro presidente. Sus ministros del Interior, también del SPD, impulsaron una reforma republicana de la administración y de la policía, con lo que Prusia fue considerada un baluarte de la democracia dentro de la República de Weimar.[2]
Como consecuencia del golpe de Estado prusiano instigado por el canciller del Reich Franz von Papen en 1932, el Estado Libre quedó subordinado al gobierno del Reich y privado de su independencia. Por tanto, Prusia había dejado de existir de facto antes de que el Partido Nazi tomara el poder en 1933, aunque un gobierno prusiano dirigido por Hermann Göring siguió funcionando formalmente hasta 1945. Tras el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial , por decreto del Consejo de Control Aliado , la abolición de iure de Prusia se produjo el 25 de febrero de 1947.
El 9 de noviembre de 1918, en los primeros días de la Revolución de 1918-1919 que derribó a la monarquía alemana , el príncipe Maximiliano de Baden , el último canciller del Imperio alemán (quien, como la mayoría de sus predecesores, también fue ministro presidente de Prusia) anunció la abdicación de Guillermo II como emperador alemán y rey de Prusia antes de que realmente lo hubiera hecho. [3]
El mismo día, el príncipe Maximiliano transfirió el cargo de canciller del Reich a Friedrich Ebert , presidente del SPD Mayoritario (MSPD), que era el partido más grande en el Reichstag . Ebert encargó entonces a Paul Hirsch , líder del partido MSPD en la Cámara de Representantes de Prusia , mantener la paz y el orden en Prusia. El último ministro del Interior del Reino de Prusia, Bill Drews , legitimó la transferencia del poder gubernamental de facto a Hirsch. El 10 de noviembre, Ebert se vio obligado a formar un gobierno conjunto, el Consejo de Diputados del Pueblo , con representantes del SPD Independiente (USPD), un grupo más izquierdista y pacifista que se había separado del SPD unificado original en 1917, y a entrar en una alianza con el movimiento de consejos, una forma de comunismo de consejos .
El 12 de noviembre de 1918, los comisarios de los Consejos de Obreros y Soldados del Gran Berlín, entre los que se encontraban Paul Hirsch, Otto Braun (MSPD) y Adolph Hoffmann (USPD), comparecieron ante el último viceministro presidente de Prusia, Robert Friedberg. Declararon depuesto al gobierno anterior y reclamaron para sí la gestión de los asuntos estatales. [4] El mismo día, los comisarios dieron instrucciones de que todos los departamentos del estado debían continuar con su trabajo como de costumbre. Un manifiesto, "¡Al pueblo prusiano!", afirmaba que el objetivo era transformar "la vieja Prusia, fundamentalmente reaccionaria... en un componente plenamente democrático de la República Popular unificada". [5]
El 13 de noviembre, el nuevo gobierno confiscó la propiedad real y la puso bajo el Ministerio de Finanzas. Al día siguiente, los socialdemócratas mayoritarios e independientes formaron el gabinete revolucionario prusiano siguiendo los lineamientos de la coalición a nivel del Reich. Incluía a Paul Hirsch, Eugen Ernst y Otto Braun del MSPD y Heinrich Ströbel , Adolph Hoffmann y Kurt Rosenfeld del USPD. Casi todos los departamentos estaban bajo ministros de ambos partidos. Hirsch y Ströbel se convirtieron en copresidentes del gabinete. También se incluyeron otros ministros no partidistas o ministros pertenecientes a diferentes bandos políticos, como el ministro de Guerra, inicialmente Heinrich Schëuch , luego a partir de enero de 1919 Walther Reinhardt . Sin embargo, el gabinete político más reducido y decisivo solo incluía políticos de los dos partidos obreros. [6] Dado que las cualidades de liderazgo de los dos presidentes eran comparativamente débiles, fueron principalmente Otto Braun y Adolph Hoffmann quienes marcaron el tono en el gobierno provisional. [7]
El 14 de noviembre se abolió la Cámara de los Lores prusiana ( Herrenhaus ) y se disolvió la Cámara de Representantes . Sin embargo, durante los primeros años, la sustitución de las élites políticas fue limitada. En muchos casos, los antiguos administradores de distritos reales ( Landräte ) continuaron en sus cargos como si no hubiera habido revolución. Las quejas contra ellos presentadas por los consejos obreros fueron desestimadas o ignoradas por el ministro del Interior Wolfgang Heine (MSPD). Cuando los propios administradores de distrito conservadores pidieron ser destituidos, se les pidió que permanecieran en sus puestos para mantener la paz y el orden.
El 23 de diciembre, el gobierno emitió una orden administrativa para la elección de una asamblea constituyente. El sufragio universal, libre y secreto, tanto para mujeres como para hombres, sustituyó al antiguo sufragio de tres clases prusiano . Sin embargo, a nivel municipal pasaron ocho meses antes de que los órganos gubernamentales existentes fueran reemplazados por otros legitimados democráticamente. [8] Las deliberaciones sobre una reforma fundamental de las relaciones de propiedad en el campo, en particular la división de las grandes propiedades, no dieron frutos. Los distritos señoriales, que eran la base del poder político de los grandes terratenientes, permanecieron en su lugar. [9]
En materia de política educativa, el ministro de cultura Adolph Hoffmann abolió la instrucción religiosa como primer paso en un esfuerzo por separar la Iglesia del Estado. La medida desencadenó un considerable malestar en las zonas católicas de Prusia y revivió los recuerdos del Kulturkampf («conflicto cultural») de Bismarck de la década de 1870 contra la Iglesia católica. A finales de diciembre de 1919, el ministro del MSPD Konrad Haenisch anuló el decreto de Hoffmann. En una carta al cardenal de Colonia Felix von Hartmann , el ministro presidente Hirsch le aseguró que las disposiciones de Hoffmann para poner fin a la supervisión clerical de las escuelas habían sido ilegales porque no habían sido votadas en el gabinete. Más fuertemente que cualquier otra medida gubernamental, las políticas culturales socialistas de Hoffmann pusieron a grandes segmentos de la población en contra de la revolución. [10]
Los combates de Nochebuena en Berlín entre la División Naval Popular y unidades del ejército alemán provocaron la retirada del USPD del gobierno tanto en Prusia como a nivel del Reich. La destitución de Emil Eichhorn (USPD) como jefe de policía de Berlín desencadenó el fallido levantamiento espartaquista del 5 al 12 de enero de 1919, que intentó desviar la dirección de la revolución hacia la fundación de un estado comunista.
La supervivencia de Prusia no estaba asegurada en absoluto tras la revolución. En la provincia del Rin , el consejo asesor del Partido Católico del Centro , temiendo una dictadura del proletariado, pidió el 4 de diciembre de 1918 la formación de una república de Renania- Westfalia independiente de Prusia. En la provincia de Hannover , 100.000 personas firmaron un llamamiento en favor de la autonomía territorial. También en Silesia se intentó formar un estado independiente. En las provincias orientales, en Navidad de 1918, estalló una revuelta con el objetivo de restaurar un estado polaco . El movimiento pronto abarcó toda la provincia de Posen y acabó adquiriendo el carácter de una guerra de guerrillas. [11] [12]
Incluso para muchos partidarios de la República, el dominio prusiano parecía una carga peligrosa para el Reich. Hugo Preuß , autor del borrador de la Constitución de Weimar , originalmente concibió la división de Prusia en varios estados más pequeños. Dado el dominio prusiano en el antiguo imperio, hubo simpatía por la idea. Otto Landsberg (MSPD), del Consejo de Diputados del Pueblo , comentó: "Prusia ocupó su posición con la espada y esa espada está rota. Si Alemania ha de vivir, Prusia en su forma actual debe morir". [13]
El nuevo gobierno socialista de Prusia se opuso a esta medida. El 23 de enero de 1919, los participantes en una reunión de urgencia del consejo central y del gobierno provisional se manifestaron en contra de la disolución de Prusia. Ante la abstención del Partido del Centro, la Asamblea Estatal adoptó en sus primeras sesiones una resolución contra una posible división de Prusia. Aparte de unas pocas excepciones, entre las que se encontraba Friedrich Ebert, esta resolución no obtuvo mucho apoyo, incluso entre el Consejo de Diputados del Pueblo a nivel del Reich, porque se consideraba el primer paso hacia la secesión de Renania del Reich. [14] [15]
En Prusia, el clima era más incierto. En diciembre de 1919, la Asamblea Estatal aprobó una resolución por 210 votos a favor y 32 en contra que decía: "Como el mayor de los estados alemanes, Prusia considera que su primer deber es intentar ver si es posible crear un estado alemán unificado". [16]
El 26 de enero de 1919, una semana después de las elecciones federales alemanas de 1919 , se celebraron elecciones para la Asamblea estatal constituyente de Prusia . Durante la campaña, el acercamiento a las mujeres votantes, que acudían a las urnas por primera vez, jugó un papel importante. En las regiones católicas del estado, el programa escolar anticlerical de Hoffmann ayudó al Partido del Centro a movilizar su base de votantes. [17] El MSPD emergió como el partido más fuerte, seguido por el Centro y el Partido Democrático Alemán (DDP). La Asamblea se reunió por primera vez el 13 de marzo de 1919, durante los últimos días de las violentas batallas de la Marcha de Berlín y el levantamiento del Ruhr .
El 20 de marzo, la Asamblea aprobó una ley para la ordenación provisional de los poderes del Estado. Transfirió todos los derechos anteriores del rey de Prusia, incluido su papel como máxima autoridad de la Iglesia protestante, al Ministerio de Estado, con la excepción de su derecho a suspender o cerrar la Asamblea Estatal. El Ministerio de Estado era designado por el Presidente de la Asamblea Estatal, tenía una estructura colegiada y dependía de la confianza de la mayoría del Parlamento. Para proporcionar seguridad jurídica, todas las leyes anteriores que no contradecían las disposiciones de la ordenación provisional permanecieron en vigor. [18] [19]
La tarea más importante de la Asamblea era redactar una constitución. El comité constitucional estaba integrado por once miembros del MSPD, seis del centro, cuatro del DDP y del nacionalista de derecha Partido Nacional Popular Alemán (DNVP), y uno del USPD y del liberal Partido Popular Alemán (DVP). (Véase la sección Constitución más abajo para más detalles.)
El 25 de marzo de 1919, el gobierno provisional revolucionario de Hirsch dimitió. Fue sustituido, como en el Reich, por una coalición del MSPD, el Centro y el DDP, la llamada Coalición de Weimar , que en conjunto obtuvo 298 de los 401 escaños. Paul Hirsch se convirtió en ministro presidente. Su gabinete incluía cuatro miembros del MSPD, dos del Centro y dos del DDP. La mayoría de los ministerios habían existido bajo la monarquía, aunque el Ministerio de Bienestar Público era nuevo. Junto con el Ministerio del Interior, se convirtió en uno de los ministerios más grandes debido a la variedad de sus tareas. [20]
En enero de 1919 comenzaron huelgas generalizadas, especialmente en la industria minera del Ruhr. Condujeron a una escasez de suministros de energía en toda Alemania y, particularmente en Prusia, también causaron problemas de transporte. A principios de abril, las tropas del Reichswehr marcharon hacia el Ruhr y reprimieron sangrientamente el levantamiento. En agosto de 1919, se produjeron levantamientos armados en la Alta Silesia entre segmentos de la población polaca ( primer levantamiento de Silesia ). La violencia allí también fue reprimida por medios militares. En Pomerania estallaron enfrentamientos entre trabajadores agrícolas y grandes terratenientes, que recibieron apoyo del ejército regional y unidades del Freikorps . El ministro de Agricultura, Otto Braun, impulsó un decreto de emergencia en septiembre para hacer cumplir las regulaciones acordadas colectivamente sobre los salarios de los trabajadores agrícolas. [21]
En marzo de 1920, el orden republicano en el Reich y en Prusia fue desafiado por el Putsch de Kapp , un intento de derecha de derrocar al gobierno del Reich. Fue parte de la historia específicamente prusiana en la que el único grupo social relativamente unido detrás del golpe fueron los grandes terratenientes del estado. A ellos se unieron algunos oficiales militares y miembros del servicio civil educado. En general, el golpe fue una rebelión de la conservadora Elbia Oriental , la zona mayoritariamente rural al este del río Elba , que temía la pérdida de su poder tradicional. [22] Mientras que el gobierno del Reich huyó a Stuttgart , el gobierno prusiano permaneció en Berlín. Una huelga general contra el golpe, iniciada en particular por sindicatos y funcionarios públicos, paralizó en gran medida la vida pública en Prusia. La mayoría de los gobernadores de las provincias prusianas respaldaron al gobierno estatal legal. Solo los de las provincias de Schleswig-Holstein , Hannover y Prusia Oriental apoyaron el golpe. Cabe señalar que August Winnig, gobernador de Prusia Oriental, era socialdemócrata. La situación era diferente en el caso de muchos administradores de distrito, que estaban claramente divididos entre el Este y el Oeste. En las provincias occidentales, casi todos los administradores de distrito apoyaban al gobierno constitucional, aunque en algunos casos sólo bajo presión de los trabajadores. En Prusia Oriental, todos ellos se aliaron con los antirrepublicanos. [23] El intento de golpe fracasó al cabo de seis días.
El golpe de Estado de Kapp y la huelga general que le siguió provocaron una ruptura profunda que convirtió a Prusia en un Estado republicano modelo. Otto Braun sustituyó a Hirsch como ministro presidente y Carl Severing se convirtió en el nuevo ministro del Interior. Ambos se mostraron mucho más firmes que sus predecesores en el cargo. Hirsch y el ministro de Finanzas Südekum también quedaron políticamente desacreditados por haber negociado con los golpistas. El "sistema Braun-Severing" se convirtió en sinónimo de la Prusia democrática. [24] [25] [26]
La mayoría de las cesiones territoriales alemanas estipuladas en el Tratado de Versalles afectaron a Prusia. Eupen-Malmedy pasó a manos de Bélgica , Danzig se convirtió en una ciudad libre bajo la administración de la Sociedad de Naciones y el Territorio de Memel pasó a manos de los Aliados antes de pasar finalmente a manos de Lituania . Los Hultschiner Ländchen pasaron a manos de Checoslovaquia , grandes áreas de las provincias de Posen y Prusia Occidental pasaron a formar parte del nuevo estado de Polonia y Prusia Oriental quedó separada del resto del territorio del Reich por el Corredor Polaco . Otros cambios se decidieron mediante plebiscitos. En el norte de Schleswig, el 74% de los votos el 10 de febrero de 1920 estaban a favor de la anexión a Dinamarca , a la que posteriormente se cedió. En la parte sur, el 81% de los votantes eligieron el 14 de marzo permanecer en Alemania. La nueva frontera germano-danesa se estableció el 26 de mayo. La Alta Silesia oriental pasó a manos de Polonia, aunque la mayoría de los votantes en el plebiscito celebrado allí habían votado a favor de permanecer en el Reich alemán. Más del 90% de los que votaron en el plebiscito en el sur de Prusia Oriental y partes de Prusia Occidental estaban a favor de seguir formando parte de Alemania. La región del Sarre quedó bajo el control de la Sociedad de Naciones durante quince años antes de que se celebrara allí un referéndum . El antiguo territorio imperial de Alsacia-Lorena , que había estado efectivamente bajo administración prusiana, fue cedido a Francia sin votación.
La anexión del Estado Libre de Waldeck-Pyrmont fue la única incorporación territorial de Prusia durante la República de Weimar. El distrito de Pyrmont dio el primer paso tras un referéndum celebrado en 1921. El resto del estado siguió su ejemplo en 1929.
La pérdida de territorio tuvo consecuencias económicas y financieras muy negativas para el Estado prusiano, incluidos los costes de repatriación y de alojamiento para los empleados públicos. Sólo en el Ministerio de Justicia se vieron afectados 3.500 funcionarios y empleados públicos. [28]
Después de 1918, la población no aumentó tan rápidamente como antes de la guerra. Además de la continuación de la transición demográfica de las sociedades industriales modernas hacia tasas de natalidad más bajas, las pérdidas de la Primera Guerra Mundial también fueron un factor. Los grandes movimientos de población dentro de Prusia se desaceleraron. A diferencia del período anterior a 1914, se mudaron a Prusia más personas de países extranjeros que las que emigraron. La inmigración desde los territorios cedidos, junto con la creciente inmigración, especialmente desde Europa del Este, desempeñaron un papel.
También había grandes diferencias en la densidad de población en Prusia. En 1925, Prusia Oriental tenía una media de 60,9 habitantes por kilómetro cuadrado, mientras que la provincia del Rin tenía 295,6. Debido a la extensión de sus regiones rurales con baja población, Prusia tenía una densidad de 130,7 habitantes por kilómetro cuadrado, que estaba por debajo de la media entre los estados alemanes. El Estado Libre de Sajonia , por el contrario, tenía 333 habitantes por km² . [ 29]
La urbanización y el crecimiento urbano perdieron impulso en comparación con el período anterior a 1914. El aumento de la población en las grandes ciudades no se debió tanto a la inmigración como a la incorporación de nuevas ciudades. Así ocurrió con la formación del Gran Berlín en 1920, cuando se incorporaron siete ciudades, 56 municipios rurales y 29 distritos de haciendas. Aún más importantes y de mayor trascendencia para la formación de grandes ciudades fueron las reformas municipales en la región del Ruhr a finales de los años 1920.
En cuanto al grado de urbanización, todavía existían diferencias geográficas considerables. Mientras que en Prusia Oriental más del 60% de los habitantes vivían en comunidades aldeanas en 1925, en la provincia de Westfalia la cifra era de tan sólo el 16,5%. En Prusia Oriental el 12,4% de la población vivía en ciudades con más de 100.000 habitantes, mientras que en la provincia del Rin era más del 41%. [31]
En 1925, la industria y los oficios artesanales eran los sectores predominantes de la economía prusiana, con un 41,3% de la población activa. La agricultura ocupaba un lugar secundario (un 22%), seguido del comercio y el transporte (un 17,5%). El resto de sectores económicos se quedaban muy atrás. También en la estructura económica prusiana había marcadas diferencias geográficas. En Prusia Oriental, la agricultura empleaba al 45,4% de la población activa, mientras que la industria y los oficios artesanales sólo representaban el 19,6%. La región más agrícola era la de los Hohenzollern , donde el 53,7% de la población vivía del campo. En cambio, la agricultura tenía una importancia muy reducida en Renania y Westfalia (un 13% cada una). El sector comercial era igualmente fuerte (más del 56% en Westfalia). En Berlín, el sector comercial representaba un 46%, pero el carácter metropolitano de la ciudad se reflejaba sobre todo en la participación del comercio y el transporte (más del 28%). En general, después de 1918 todavía existían diferencias económicas considerables entre la parte oriental del Estado Libre, que tendía a ser agraria, y el oeste industrial. [32]
En 1925, casi la mitad de la población estaba empleada. De ellos, el 46,8% eran obreros, el 17,1% eran empleados y funcionarios, el 16,2% eran autónomos, el 15,4% eran familiares auxiliares (aquellos que trabajan en una empresa gestionada por un miembro autónomo de su familia, como un agricultor o un comerciante independiente y que reciben como máximo una paga de bolsillo en lugar de un salario) y el 4,5% eran trabajadores domésticos. La tasa de desempleo en 1925 era del 6%. Las proporciones variaban según el sector económico predominante de cada provincia. En la Prusia Oriental más rural, el número de familiares auxiliares era significativamente mayor (22,3%) que en la Westfalia industrial, donde era del 12,8%. Por el contrario, la proporción de obreros en Prusia Oriental era del 42,6%, mientras que en Westfalia era del 54,1%. En Berlín metropolitano, la proporción de trabajadores manuales (45,9%) era menor que en Westfalia, a pesar del importante sector industrial de Berlín. La razón era la fortaleza del sector terciario de la ciudad: los empleados asalariados y los funcionarios representaban el 30,5% en Berlín, mientras que en Westfalia eran el 15,6%. [32]
La situación urbana especial de Berlín se reflejaba también en su renta media: en 1928, la renta media en Berlín-Brandeburgo era de 1.566 marcos del Reich, más de un 30% superior a la media del Reich. En la agraria Prusia Oriental, la renta media era de tan sólo 814 marcos del Reich, más de un 30% inferior a la media del Reich. Las zonas industriales como Westfalia y Renania estaban más o menos en línea con la media alemana. [33]
A pesar de los esfuerzos del gobierno prusiano en áreas como la educación, la movilidad ascendente siguió siendo limitada. En 1927/28, sólo el uno por ciento de los abogados jóvenes provenían de familias de clase trabajadora. Las oportunidades de ascenso eran significativamente mejores en las escuelas primarias. La proporción de estudiantes de familias de clase trabajadora en las academias educativas aumentó del 7 por ciento en 1928/29 al 10 por ciento en 1932/33. [34]
El Estado Libre estaba formado por doce provincias más Berlín, cuyo estatus correspondía al de una provincia. Las Tierras de Hohenzollern en el sur de Alemania eran un tipo único de distrito administrativo ( Regierungsbezirk ) que no era una verdadera provincia pero que tenía casi todos los derechos de una. Las provincias estaban encabezadas por gobernadores ( Oberpräsidenten ) nombrados por el Ministerio de Estado. Había además un consejo provincial formado por el gobernador, un miembro designado por el Ministro del Interior y cinco miembros elegidos por el comité provincial. Cada provincia tenía un parlamento. En Hesse-Nassau , existían parlamentos municipales para las asociaciones de distritos junto al parlamento provincial. Los parlamentos provinciales elegían a un Landeshauptmann que dirigía la administración gubernamental; el cargo correspondiente en Berlín era el alcalde. Además, el parlamento provincial elegía un comité provincial de sus propias filas para gestionar los asuntos cotidianos. Los parlamentos provinciales enviaban representantes al Reichsrat a nivel nacional y al correspondiente Consejo de Estado prusiano ( Staatsrat ). [35]
Por debajo del nivel provincial había (en 1933) 34 distritos administrativos; algunas provincias, entre ellas Posen-Prusia Occidental, Alta Silesia, Schleswig-Holstein y también Berlín, tenían un solo distrito administrativo. Un total de 361 distritos (llamados Kreise o Landkreise ) formaban la base de la administración estatal en las zonas rurales y las pequeñas ciudades. Las ciudades más grandes generalmente formaban distritos urbanos ( Stadtkreise ), de los cuales había un total de 116. Mientras que había solo cinco distritos urbanos en la agraria Prusia Oriental, había 21 en la industrial Westfalia. [36]
Véase también: – vía Wikisource .(Texto completo en inglés)
Carl Severing no presentó un proyecto de constitución hasta el 26 de abril de 1920 debido a los retrasos causados por el Putsch de Kapp y la espera de la Constitución del Reich , que fue ratificada el 11 de agosto de 1919. El 30 de noviembre de 1920, la Asamblea Estatal adoptó la constitución del Estado Libre de Prusia . 280 diputados votaron a favor, 60 en contra y 7 se abstuvieron. El DNVP y los diputados independientes en particular votaron en contra. [37]
A diferencia del Reich y de otros estados de la República de Weimar, no había un presidente estatal. La falta de una institución por encima de los ministros gobernantes y de la mayoría parlamentaria distinguía claramente a Prusia del Reich. En general, la posición del Parlamento en la constitución era fuerte. Una característica distintiva era la posición del presidente de ministros, que se elevaba por su autoridad para hacer política. El presidente de ministros, Otto Braun, en particular, reconoció claramente esto y lo utilizó de manera deliberada. [37] [38]
La Constitución también preveía elementos de democracia plebiscitaria en forma de referendos y peticiones.
El período legislativo del Parlamento era de cuatro años. Podía disolverse por mayoría de votos o por referéndum. El Parlamento actuaba como legislador, elegía al Ministro Presidente, tenía derecho a establecer comisiones de investigación y podía modificar la Constitución con una mayoría de dos tercios de los diputados. También tenía derecho a censurar a ministros individuales o al Ministerio de Estado en su conjunto. Con una mayoría de dos tercios, podía enjuiciar a ministros ante el tribunal estatal.
The Ministry of State was the highest and leading authority in the state; it consisted of the Minister President and the ministers of state (Article 7). Although it was organized collegially, the Minister President had policy-making authority (Article 46). He was elected by Parliament. After an amendment to the rules of procedure, an absolute majority was required from 1932 onward. The Minister President appointed the other ministers (Article 45).
The constitution did not specify the ministries; they came about from practical requirements. Following the transfer of military responsibilities to the Reich, there was no Prussian Minister of War after 1919. The Minister of Public Works also lost his most important area of responsibility with the establishment of the German National Railway, and the ministry was dissolved in 1921. The office of Minister of Welfare, which had existed in the provisional government, was formally created. There were also ministries of the interior, finance, justice, agriculture and trade. The Ministry of Spiritual, Educational and Medical Affairs was renamed the Ministry of Science, Art and National Education in 1918. The economic interests of the state were largely concentrated in the Ministry of Trade and Commerce. It was the second most powerful state ministry after the Ministry of the Interior and was able to have a considerable impact on domestic and foreign trade beyond Prussia's borders.
After the 1932 Prussian coup d'état, which replaced Prussia's legal government by Franz von Papen as Reich Commissioner, the Ministry of Welfare in its old form was dissolved. At the same time, the Minister of Trade also became the Minister of Economics and Labor. The Ministry of Justice was dissolved in 1935 under the law transferring the administration of justice to the Reich.
The constitution stipulated the formation of a State Council to represent the provinces of Prussia. Its members were elected by the provincial parliaments; they could not be parliamentary members at the same time. The government was to inform the body about affairs of state. The State Council could express its views, had the right to initiate legislation and could lodge an objection to laws passed by Parliament. With a two-thirds majority, Parliament could, with a few exceptions, reject the objection or call for a referendum. Until 1933 the mayor of Cologne and future Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Konrad Adenauer, was chairman of the State Council.
The Weimar Constitution and the new Prussian Constitution permanently changed the relationship between the Reich and Prussia. Unlike during the empire, the executive branch at the Reich level was completely independent of Prussia's. The same person was no longer both Reich Chancellor and Prussian Minister President. The great importance of state taxes declined in favor of a central tax administration. The Reich had fiscal sovereignty and distributed revenues to the states. Along with the military and railroads, waterways and a large part of social administration became the responsibility of the Reich.
Although 61% of the Reich's population lived in Prussia in 1925, it had only two-fifths of the votes in the Reichsrat, the Reich-level equivalent of the State Council. In a departure from the empire's Federal Council, and in contrast to the other states, only half of the members of the Reichsrat to which Prussia was entitled were appointed by the Prussian government. The remaining members were elected by the provincial parliaments.[39][40]
Between 1921 and 1925 the administration of state-owned enterprises was moved away from the direct responsibility of the Ministry of Trade and Industry on the initiative of the department's minister, Wilhelm Siering (SPD). Joint stock companies were formed to manage the state-owned mines, salt works, smelters, water works, and electrical generation plants. Ideas about the economic common good, such as those advocated by State Secretary Hans Staudinger (SPD), also played a role in the expedited development of state-owned companies.[41]
The Prussian party system – made up of conservatism (German National People's Party, DNVP), political Catholicism (Centre Party), liberalism (German People's Party, DVP, and German Democratic Party, DDP), social democracy (Majority Social Democratic Party, MSPD) and socialism/communism (Independent Social Democratic Party, USPD, and Communist Party of Germany, KPD) – corresponded to that at the Reich level. The DNVP had a special affinity to the former Prussian monarchy. Among the regional parties, the German-Hanoverian Party (DHP) had some influence.[42] The MSPD and USPD, which had split in 1917, merged in 1922 and resumed the original SPD name. (A small and politically insignificant part of the USPD continued to exist until 1931 when it merged with the Socialist Worker's Party of Germany.)
The DNVP and DVP had strongholds in a few cities and in areas that were more rural and Protestant, especially east of the Elbe River. In East Prussia the DNVP received over 30% of the vote in the 1928 federal election for the Reichstag. The Centre was strong in Catholic areas such as Silesia, the Rhineland and Westphalia. The left-wing parties were important in large cities and heavily commercial non-Catholic areas. In Berlin, for example, the SPD's vote came to 34% in 1928 and the KPD's to almost 30%. The rise of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) changed the pattern, but it remained dominant in basic terms until 1932.[44]
Within Prussia there were considerable differences in support for the Republic. The majority in Berlin, the Rhineland and Westphalia were in favor of a democracy, while reservations remained in the eastern and agrarian provinces. In the March 1933 Reichstag elections, the NSDAP had above-average strength in constituencies such as East Prussia (56.5%), Frankfurt an der Oder (55.2%), Liegnitz (54%) and Schleswig-Holstein (53.2%), but was significantly weaker in Berlin (31.3%), Westphalia (34.3%) and the Rhineland (34.1%) than the Reich average (43.9%).
A factor in Prussia's political stability was that the SPD, which was the strongest party during most of the Weimar Republic, was prepared until 1932 to assume government responsibility and not withdraw into an opposition role as it had at the Reich level in 1920, 1923 and 1930. Leaders in the Prussian SPD quickly identified with their new task. The philosopher Eduard Spranger spoke of an "affinity of Social Democracy for the Prussian", and Otto Braun claimed that "Prussia has never been governed in a more Prussian manner than during my term of office."[45] In addition to the party's leading individuals, structural reasons also played a role in the SPD's strength. The political break from the three-class franchise to a democratic constitution was more pronounced in Prussia than in other states of the Reich that had had similar voting systems. Unlike in the Reichstag, which had many long-standing SPD parliamentarians who were accustomed to the role of opposition, there were hardly any such in the Prussian Parliament. The parliamentary party members were therefore not as influenced by entrenched roles and were better able to adapt to being a party that formed part of the government. In addition, the left wing of the party, which was critical of cooperation with the bourgeois parties, was weak. Compromise solutions were therefore easier to implement in Prussia than in the Reich.[46]
Despite their strength, especially in the large cities, only a few mayors in the major cities were Social Democrats. The party had respect for the expertise of bourgeois municipal politicians and often left this position to representatives of the DDP. Only Ernst Reuter in Magdeburg and Max Brauer in Altona were among the Social Democratic mayors in early 1933.[47]
During the revolution, Prussian civil servants declared that their loyalty was not to the monarchy but to the Prussian state.[14] Initially, the government, and in particular the Minister of the Interior Wolfgang Heine (SPD), largely refrained from reorganizing the state administration in the spirit of the Republic. Heine made a crucial mistake when he appointed Magnus Freiherr von Braun (DNVP) – father of rocket scientist Wernher von Braun and later one of the supporters of the Kapp Putsch – as a personnel officer.[48] By the end of 1919, only 46 Social Democrats had been appointed to higher administrative posts. Of some 480 district administrators (Landräte), only 24 belonged to the SPD. The Kapp Putsch showed the weakly developed loyalty of some of the senior civil servants, many of whom were close to the DNVP, which was hostile to the Republic.
The new Minister of the Interior, Carl Severing, carried out a fundamental reform after the March 1920 Kapp Putsch. Senior civil servants hostile to the Republic were dismissed, and the political reliability of new hires was checked. A total of about one hundred senior civil servants were placed on retirement. Among these were three governors (Oberpräsidenten), three district presidents (Regierungspräsidenten) and 88 district administrators. Almost all of these were from the eastern provinces. In addition to supporters of the conservative parties, they included the Social Democratic governors August Winnig (East Prussia) and Felix Philipp (Lower Silesia).
Severing and his successors purposefully appointed supporters of the coalition parties as political officials. The policy led to a considerable change in the heads of departments. In 1929, 291 of 540 political officials were members of Weimar Coalition parties, including nine of 11 governors and 21 of 32 district presidents. The shift also changed the social composition among top officials. While in 1918 eleven governors were aristocrats, only two were in the period between 1920 and 1932. There were nevertheless still lagging regions. While in the western provinces 78% of newly appointed district administrators were supporters of the governing parties, the situation in the eastern provinces was noticeably different as late as 1926. There supporters of the coalition made up only one-third of district administrators; the rest were mostly conservative nonpartisans.
Another limitation was that a breakup of the monopoly of lawyers in the higher civil service posts did not succeed. Only in exceptional cases, such as that of Wilhelm Richter, Berlin's police chief, were outsiders appointed.[49][50][51]
The Prussian police force was not only the strongest in the Reich but also the most important instrument of the Prussian government's executive branch for maintaining constitutional order. Massive restructuring also began in the police force after the Kapp Putsch in order to ensure its loyalty to the Republic. Under the leadership of the Minister of the Interior, the republican-minded police chief Wilhelm Abegg became the decisive figure in carrying out the reform. By the end of the 1920s, all leading police officers were republicans. Of thirty police chiefs in 1928, fifteen were members of the SPD, five belonged to the Centre, four to the DDP, three to the DVP, and the rest were nonpartisan.[52]
Below the command level, however, the situation was somewhat different. A large proportion of the police were former professional soldiers; the majority were conservative and anti-communist, and some maintained relations with right-wing organizations. For them the enemy was on the left.
An important change in the organization was the creation of the Protection Police (Schutzpolizei) as an instrument to protect the constitution and the Republic.
In the judiciary, reforms remained limited even longer than they did in the police force. Many judges continued to support the monarchy. In political trials, left-wing defendants were regularly judged more harshly than those on the right. One reason in particular for the hesitant intervention of democrats and centrists was respect for the independence of the judiciary. The autonomy of judges had been explicitly enshrined in the constitution. It made a fundamental republicanization of the judiciary impossible. Moreover, the Minister of Justice Hugo am Zehnhoff, who held the office from 1919 to 1927, had no real interest in judicial reform.[53] The authorities did, however, pay attention to the attitude towards democracy among new appointees. But the Free State did not survive long enough for it to have a noticeable effect. One estimate in 1932 suggested that only about 5% of judges were republican-minded.[54]
After the adoption of the constitution, elections for the first regular state Parliament were set for 20 February 1921. The MSPD emerged as the strongest political force with 114 seats, followed by the Centre with 81. Even though the German Democratic Party (DDP) lost seats to the German People's Party (DVP), the Weimar coalition (SPD, DDP, and Centre) with a combined 224 of 428 seats still had a majority, albeit a small one, unlike in the 1920 Reichstag election, following which a minority government of the Centre, DDP and DVP was built.
Forming a new government in Prussia did not prove to be easy. While the DDP and the Centre wanted to bring the DVP into the coalition, the MSPD rejected the proposal because of the DVP's closeness to heavy industry and its unclear attitude towards the Republic. As a result, Otto Braun did not run as a candidate for Minister President. Instead, Adam Stegerwald of the Centre Party was elected with the votes of the previous coalition and the DVP, but his attempt to form a solid grand coalition failed. The MSPD then terminated its support, and Stegerwald resigned.
In a second election on 21 April, Stegerwald was re-elected with the votes of the bourgeois parties including the DNVP. He formed a minority government consisting of the Centre and the DDP as well as some independents. They had to seek support from the MSPD and DNVP on a case-by-case basis.[55]
Pressure on Prussian policy came primarily from external factors. After the London ultimatum of 5 May 1921 regarding German payment of war reparations, Allied troops occupied Düsseldorf and Duisburg in the Ruhr. The assassination of former Reich Vice-Chancellor and Finance Minister Matthias Erzberger on 26 August by members of the far right Organisation Consul shocked supporters of the Republic. In September 1921 the MSPD cleared the way for a coalition with the DVP at its party congress in Görlitz. Otto Braun stated:
What we are dealing with here is the conversion of our party from an acting to a governing party. This is very difficult for many because it takes us from a comfortable position to one that is sometimes very uncomfortable and full of responsibility. ... The comrades who speak against the resolution do not have sufficient confidence in the power of our party's appeal. We must have the will to power.[56]
After the MSPD withdrew support from the government in October 1921, accusing the Ministry of State of leaning towards the DNVP, negotiations began to form a grand coalition. On 5 November 1921, the MSPD and DVP joined the cabinet, and Stegerwald resigned.[57]
The opposition within the MSPD parliamentary group was considerable. Forty-six deputies voted for and 41 against the formation of a grand coalition. There were also significant reservations within the DVP. In the end, 197 of 339 deputies present voted for Braun as Minister President. Ministers were chosen from the MSPD, Centre, DDP and DVP. Carl Severing again became Minister of the Interior.[58]
Prussia's grand coalition proved to be a stabilizing factor in the Weimar Republic and contributed to its ability to survive the crisis year of 1923. The DVP remained loyal to the coalition even though it was courted by the DNVP to form a "citizens' bloc". An effectively functioning coalition committee successfully ensured that the different political interests were balanced, but despite the collegial cooperation, Braun and Severing dominated the government.
The coalition lay claim to nothing less than a "Prussian democratic mission" for all of Germany.[59] This was especially true after the murder of Reich Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau (DDP) on 24 June 1922, once again by members of the Organisation Consul. On the basis of the Reich Law for the Protection of the Republic (Gesetz zum Schutze der Republik),[60] which was strongly supported by the Prussian government, Interior Minister Severing banned the Nazi Party in Prussia on 15 November 1922.[61]
Prussian territory was directly affected when troops from France and Belgium occupied the Ruhr on 11 January 1923 after Germany defaulted on its war reparations payments, although the main decisions on how to react were made at the Reich level. Immediately before the occupation, the Prussian Parliament – with the exception of the Communist Party – protested against the actions of the French and Belgians. At the same time, the population of the Rhineland and Westphalia was called on to exercise prudence. The Prussian government ultimately supported the passive resistance called for by the Reich. Prussian officials were instructed not to obey the orders of the occupiers. It quickly became apparent, however, that the economic burden caused by the situation was becoming enormous. The trend toward inflation that had existed since World War I exploded into the hyperinflation of the Weimar Republic.
Domestically, the crisis strengthened radical forces. After a number of violent acts by right-wing militants, Interior Minister Severing banned the German Völkisch Freedom Party (Deutschvölkische Freiheitspartei, DVFP), despite the reservations of the Reich government. Nationalists sharply attacked Severing in public and in the state Parliament, but overall Parliament backed him by a large majority.
Ending the struggle against the occupation of the Ruhr (which occurred on 26 September 1923) was necessary before currency reform could be carried out in the Reich. The still occupied Rhineland, however, was excluded from the introduction of the new Rentenmark on 16 November 1923. This spurred the regional separatists to action. A Rhenish Republic was proclaimed in various cities, but it met with little response from the population. By the end of the year, secession of the Rhineland and Westphalia had failed. The major political crises of 1923, such as Adolf Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch in Bavaria and the attempt at a communist revolution, the so-called "German October" in central Germany, took place outside Prussia. Reich Chancellor Gustav Stresemann (DVP) described the Prussia of the 1923 crisis period as the "bulwark of German republicans".[62]
At the beginning of 1924 there were increasing signs that the grand coalition's common ground had been lost. On 5 January the DVP demanded that the DNVP be brought into the government and that Braun resign. When he refused, the DVP withdrew its ministers from the government and brought an end to the coalition. Forming a new government proved as difficult as it had been in 1920. On 10 February the former Reich Chancellor Wilhelm Marx (Centre), supported by the Centre, DDP and SPD, was elected Minister President. He formed a cabinet consisting of the Centre and DDP, keeping Severing as Minister of the Interior. After losing a vote of confidence, Marx resigned but remained in office until April in an acting capacity.
New state parliamentary elections were held on 7 December 1924.
Otto Braun was elected Minister President on 3 April 1925, with 216 of 430 votes. Like Marx, his base was SPD, Centre and DDP. Braun took over the majority of Marx's cabinet and looked to continuity in policy. He blamed the months-long government crisis on what he called the "German national communist bloc", by which he meant all the opposition parties from the DVP and DNVP to the various small parties, which included the NSDAP and the Communists. Braun said that "they are as incapable of building as they are unanimous in destroying."[63] The new cabinet was a minority government, but it proved remarkably stable.[64]
The question of financial settlements with Germany's former ruling dynasties was in principle a matter for the states. In Prussia negotiations with the Hohenzollerns failed in 1920 because the SPD rejected the proposal in the state Parliament, and the former royal house objected to it in 1924. In 1925 the Ministry of Finance under Hermann Höpker-Aschoff (DDP) submitted another draft proposal. It was extraordinarily favorable to the Hohenzollerns and led to fierce criticism from the SPD and DDP. The DDP then introduced a bill in the Reichstag that would authorize the states to find a solution without recourse to the courts. It was the starting point for a political process that led to the failed referendum on princely expropriation at the Reich level in 1926.[65]
The Braun government subsequently intensified negotiations with the Hohenzollerns over the former royal house's assets. In the end a compromise was reached that the SPD viewed very critically. The main Hohenzollern line received 250,000 acres of land and 15 million Reichsmarks. The Prussian state also received 250,000 acres, plus the royal palaces along with the Bellevue and Babelsberg palaces, works of art, the coronation regalia, the library of the former royal house, the archives and the theater. In Parliament, KPD deputies reacted with anger and even violence. The vote went in favor of the agreement. It is noteworthy that not only the Communists rejected the bill, but also that the representatives of the governing SPD party either voted against it or did not participate in the vote. Braun was only able to ensure that more SPD deputies did not vote against the bill by threatening to resign.[66][67]
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On 6 October 1926, as had been agreed with Braun some time earlier, Carl Severing resigned as Minister of the Interior, leaving the Minister President the only political heavyweight in the cabinet. Severing was succeeded by Albert Grzesinski (SPD).
There were frequent tensions between the Christian-bourgeois Reich governments and the center-left government in Prussia. One practical issue was revenue sharing between the Reich and the states. Compensation for the financial harm caused by territorial losses under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles remained a central point of conflict between the Reich and Prussia.[12] The disputes over the use of flags on Constitution Day in 1927 fell into the realm of symbolic politics, which was important for the citizens' idea of the state. Braun announced a boycott of those hotels in Berlin that flew the old imperial black-white-red colors instead of the Republic's black-red-gold. When he asked the Reich government to join in the boycott call, Reich Minister of the Interior Walter von Keudell (DNVP) protested against Prussia's "insolence". The conflict was exacerbated when Prussian Minister of Culture Becker restricted the rights of student self-government at Prussian universities because of the increasing influence of the völkisch movement there. When nationally minded student bodies protested against the move, Keudell openly backed them. Not least because of these and other conflicts with the Reich Minister of the Interior, Braun became an important integration figure among Social Democrats.[68][69]
A relic of the feudal past in Prussia was the manorial district. Those living on them had no communal right of residence and were subject to the police power invested in the landlords. Using groundwork laid by Interior Minister Grzesinski, the Braun government abolished the districts in 1927. The change affected 12,000 manorial districts with a combined population of 1.5 million. Some remnants of the old conditions did however continue to exist east of the Elbe River (East Elbia). There were many agricultural workers who received part of their wages in kind, such as free housing, food or land use. As late as 1928, 83% of the income of an average farm worker in East Prussia consisted of such wages, although the figure was somewhat lower in Silesia and Pomerania. Employers preferred this form of pay because it tied workers more closely to them and made it difficult to verify the accuracy of their wages.[70]
The situation was different in areas with a population made up predominantly of independent farmers. Even so, reservations about politics in rural regions remained strong, as is shown by the emergence of rural protest parties such as the Christian-National Peasants' and Farmers' Party. In Schleswig-Holstein, which was characterized not by large landholdings but by farmers, an agrarian protest movement developed toward the end of the 1920s with the Rural People's Movement.
The period of the grand coalition saw the beginning of a reform of the educational system that was initially pushed forward by the independent Minister of Education Carl Heinrich Becker. One of its goals was to reduce the educational disparity between urban and rural areas.[53]
According to the Reich constitution, the training of elementary school teachers was to be aligned with that of the higher schools. How that was to be done was left a matter for the states. Some, such as Thuringia and Saxony, introduced teacher training at universities or technical universities. Others, including Bavaria and Württemberg, retained the old seminar method. In 1924 Prussia introduced a middle course using denominational pedagogic academies with a shorter training period than in a regular university course.[71]
Prussia increased its funding for additional educational opportunities aimed in particular at gifted blue- and white-collar workers. In 1928 there were 102 Aufbauschulen – schools with the goal of bringing gifted elementary school students up to high school readiness level – with 13,000 students. In 1928 a broad majority decided to introduce educational grants of 20,000 Reichsmarks to support the less well-off. Just one year later, the sum had reached 100,000 Reichsmarks, although additional increases were slowed by fiscal considerations, including on the part of the SPD.
In other areas, problems of long standing were addressed, such as reducing the pupil-teacher ratio from 55 in 1911 to 38 in 1928. Overall, however, personnel costs in education, which placed a heavy burden on the state budget, led to the SPD at times limiting educational expenditures in opposition to its stated goals.[72]
In May 1928 elections were held at both the Reich and state levels. In the Prussian state elections, the SPD made gains while the Centre and DDP both lost seats. In spite of that, the coalition had a parliamentary majority, with a combined 228 of 450 seats. The government remained the same, and Braun promised continued work. One of the government's projects was to be a municipal reorganization of the Ruhr region.
As the election campaign of 1918/19 had shown, the memory of royal Prussia's Kulturkampf ('cultural conflict') against the Catholic Church was still alive, but in large part due to the strong position of the Centre Party in Parliament and the government, the Catholic population had come to identify relatively strongly with the new Free State of Prussia. Its high point and symbol was the Prussian Concordat with the Vatican, signed on 14 June 1929 by Eugenio Pacelli (later Pope Pius XII). The treaty superseded an 1821 agreement between the Kingdom of Prussia and the Vatican and eliminated the last remnants of church legislation from the Kulturkampf period. It regulated state contributions to the church and the arrangement of bishoprics, including reestablishing the bishoprics of Aachen and Berlin. School issues were excluded, but it regulated the academic training of clergy. The forms of episcopal elections and similar issues were also clarified.
There was opposition to the concordat from various sides. The Lutheran Church, supported by the DNVP and DVP, saw it as strengthening Catholicism. Freethinkers in the SPD also rejected the agreement.[73]
While the Catholic population was successfully won over to the new Prussia, the issue was more difficult when it came to Protestants. With the revolution, the Protestants of the Prussian Union of Churches lost the king as their top leader. He had officially been the head bishop (summus episcopus) of the Union with far-reaching rights, even to the shaping of the liturgy. Emperor William II had taken the task very seriously, and after the revolution many Protestants lacked an important figure by which to orient themselves. A considerable percentage of church-going Protestants voted for the anti-democratic and nationalistic DNVP. It was no coincidence that the motto of the Protestant church congress of 1927 was "Volk und Vaterland". Antisemitic influences, especially among theological faculties, also grew in strength.[74]
An ecclesiastical treaty with the Protestant regional churches in Prussia did not come about until 1931.[75] On the state's side, it was promoted by Adolf Grimme (SPD), who had become Minister of Culture. A "political clause" that regulated the state's objections to the filling of high church positions, similar to the concordat with the Catholic Church, met with resistance from the church.[76]
Using sometimes drastic measures, the Prussian government tried to oppose the increasing radicalization from both the left and the right. In December 1928, following political clashes between Communists, National Socialists and Social Democrats in Berlin, the city's police chief Karl Zörgiebel issued a ban on all open-air demonstrations and gatherings. The ban applied to 1 May 1929, International Workers' Day. The KPD ignored the ban and called for a mass demonstration. Fighting resembling a civil war broke out between police and Communist supporters. Zörgiebel had ordered a crackdown and, with the SPD's approval, was determined to set an example. The fighting – which came to be known as "Blood May" – cost 33 lives, and nearly 200 people were injured. More than 1,200 arrests were made. The assumption that the KPD had planned a violent overthrow of the government could not be proven. Only later did telegrams intercepted from Moscow seem to suggest this. The Prussian government pressed for a ban of the KPD and all its subsidiary organizations. Carl Severing, who at the time was Reich Minister of the Interior, rejected the idea as unwise and impracticable. Prussia then banned the Alliance of Red Front Fighters (Roter Frontkämpferbund). With the exception of Brunswick, the other German states did the same.
The events led to increased hostility in the KPD towards the Social Democrats. Ernst Thälmann, leader of the KPD, called the "social fascism" of the SPD a particularly dangerous form of fascism. He urged the KPD to direct its policies against the SPD as the "main enemy".[77]
Even after the formation of Heinrich Brüning's (Centre Party) Reich government on 31 March 1930 and the Reichstag election of 14 September 1930, which marked the NSDAP's parliamentary breakthrough, Prussia's government continued to work for democracy and the Republic. The ban on uniforms for the NSDAP was not lifted, nor was the provision that civil servants could not belong to the anti-constitutional KPD or NSDAP. In a sign of the crisis, Severing returned as Minister of the Interior in October 1930. He named his predecessor Albert Grzesinski as Berlin's chief of police. Braun, Severing and chairman of the SPD parliamentary group Ernst Heilmann supported the SPD's course of tolerating Brüning due to the lack of political alternatives.
The National Socialists saw Prussia as an important strategic target in taking over power in Germany. Joseph Goebbels wrote in 1930, "The key to power in Germany lies in Prussia. Whoever has Prussia also has the Reich."[78] Others on the right saw the situation similarly. Unlike during the Reich government of Hermann Müller (28 June 1928 – 27 March 1930), Brüning temporarily blocked cooperation with Prussia against the NSDAP. In December 1931 the Reich government prevented the execution of an arrest warrant against Adolf Hitler issued by Berlin police chief Grzesinski. The Prussian government then presented the Reich government with an extensive dossier proving the anti-constitutional activities of the NSDAP and announced a ban on the Sturmabteilung (SA) in Prussia. Only after such pressure did Brüning also support the ban of all paramilitary units of the NSDAP at the Reich level.[79]
In 1929 the Braun government banned the paramilitary Stahlhelm in the Rhineland and Westphalia for violating the demilitarization provisions of the Treaty of Versailles. In 1930, when the Young Plan on German reparations came into force and foreign troops were to evacuate the Rhineland, Reich President Paul von Hindenburg, who was an honorary member of the Stahlhelm, forced the ban to be lifted by threatening not to take part in the celebrations in Koblenz to mark the evacuation.[80]
On 4 October 1930, Stahlhelm leader Franz Seldte sharply attacked the "Marxist" Prussian government at the Reich Front-Line Soldiers' Day in Koblenz.[81] He announced a plan to call a referendum for the premature dissolution of the Prussian Parliament. The Stahlhelm's move was supported by the DVP, DNVP and NSDAP, and 5.96 million Prussians signed the initiative to put the referendum on the ballot. This was slightly more than the necessary 20% of eligible voters, and the referendum was held on 8 August 1931. Under pressure from Joseph Stalin and the Comintern, which at the time considered the fight against the "social-fascist" SPD more important than resistance to the extreme right, the KPD also supported the referendum. Especially because many Communist voters did not follow the party's lead, the referendum failed with only 37.1% of the votes in favor of an early dissolution.[82]
Elections in Prussia and several other states were scheduled to be held after the Reich presidential election of 1932 in which Hindenburg, supported by the German State Party (formerly the DDP), the Centre and the SPD, prevailed over Hitler and Thälmann (KPD). Since Prussia's coalition parties had to assume that the democratic camp would fare badly in view of the political radicalization, the rules of procedure were changed at the instigation of Ernst Heilmann, chairman of the SPD parliamentary group. A preliminary form of a constructive vote of no confidence was introduced to prevent the Minister President from being voted out of office by a purely negative majority – one formed by two parties unwilling to work with one another. From then on, an absolute majority was required for the election of the Minister President.
The coalition parties' fears about the 1932 Prussian election were justified. The SPD dropped to 21.2%. The German State Party shrank almost to insignificance with 1.5%. In contrast, the NSDAP grew from 1.8% to 36.7% and became the strongest parliamentary group with 162 seats. The coalition had lost its majority. Together the parties had only 163 seats. With 219 seats, the KPD and NSDAP had a negative majority. The National Socialist Hanns Kerrl became president of the Prussian Parliament.
The government then resigned but remained in office on a caretaker basis until a new Minister President could be elected. Similar situations existed in other states of the Reich.
The attempt to form a new majority government proved unsuccessful. There were negotiations between the Centre and the NSDAP, but the configuration, which Severing and Braun considered to be a possibility, failed. Nor could a majority be found to again revise the amended rules of procedure. It thus seemed possible that the caretaker government could continue on indefinitely. Ernst Heilmann in particular tried to convince the KPD to tolerate it. Since the KPD had weakened its stance against social fascism in favor of a united front, the attempt had at least some chance at success, but in the end it too failed.[83]
Braun had had a physical collapse on the night of 22–23 April in the wake of the exertions of the election campaign. When it became clear that his caretaker government would remain in office, he handed over the day-to-day affairs to his deputy Heinrich Hirtsiefer of the Centre Party.
Behind the scenes, the cabinet of Reich Chancellor Franz von Papen exerted pressure for the quick election of a new Minister President based on cooperation between the NSDAP and the Centre. Coalition negotiations did take place, but the Centre was unwilling to elect a National Socialist Minister President. On 11 June the Reich government threatened for the first time to appoint a Reich commissioner for Prussia. The occasion was the Altona Bloody Sunday of 17 July 1932. In Altona, a town in Prussia adjacent to Hamburg, there were violent clashes between supporters of the KPD, the NSDAP and members of the police that left 18 dead. It prompted the use on 20 July 1932 of an emergency decree, already prepared but not yet dated, entitled "Restoration of Public Safety and Order in the State of Prussia" (Wiederherstellung der öffentlichen Sicherheit und Ordnung im Gebiet des Landes Preußen).[84] The members of the executive Prussian State Ministry were relieved of their posts, von Papen was appointed Reich Commissioner for Prussia, and Franz Bracht of the Centre Party became his deputy. When von Papen asked Severing whether he was prepared to voluntarily vacate his post, he replied, "According to my understanding of the actions of the Reich government, I cannot think of voluntarily leaving my office. I will therefore yield only to force."[85]
A state of emergency was declared in Berlin and the province of Brandenburg. The police were placed under the command of General Gerd von Rundstedt, and high-ranking leaders of the police were arrested. There was no active resistance, such as a general strike by the SPD and trade unions. The Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold – a paramilitary force connected primarily to the SPD – was also not mobilized.
Von Papen and Bracht then began removing leading civil servants and other executives who were close to the parties of the Braun government and replacing them for the most part with conservative officials.
On the day of the Prussian coup d'état, the caretaker government filed suit with the Reich Constitutional Court in Leipzig. Hermann Heller represented the SPD parliamentary group and Carl Schmitt the Reich government. On 25 October 1932 the court determined that the removal of the Prussian government had been illegal. The caretaker government was given the right to represent Prussia before the state's Parliament, the State Council (Staatsrat), the Reichsrat and the other states. The judges also ruled that a "temporary" appointment of Reich commissioners was constitutional. As a result, Prussia effectively had two governments: the Braun government, which had no access to the administrative apparatus, and the Reich commissioner's office that controlled the government resources that wielded power.[86]
After the de facto dismissal of the Braun government, Joseph Goebbels summed up the situation in his diary: "The Reds have been eliminated. Their organizations offer no resistance. ... The Reds have had their great hour. They will never come again."[87]
After the installation of Hitler's government on 30 January 1933, Hermann Göring became Reich Commissioner of the Interior for Prussia. In a departure from the previous arrangement, the office of Reich Commissioner itself was assumed not by the Reich Chancellor (Hitler) but by the Vice Chancellor, Franz von Papen.[88] The replacement of politically undesirable officials was pushed forward more aggressively. The Prussian police force, subordinate to Göring, was an important element in enforcing National Socialist rule. The Gestapo grew out of the Prussian political police.
To clear the way for the dissolution of the Prussian Parliament, Minister President Braun was removed from office by emergency decree on 6 February. In accordance with the constitution, a three-member body consisting of von Papen, parliamentary president Hanns Kerrl and the chairman of the State Council Konrad Adenauer were to decide whether to dissolve Parliament. Adenauer opposed the move and left the negotiations. The two remaining members then decided on its dissolution.
The Reichstag fire on 27 February 1933 led not only to the suspension of numerous fundamental rights and an intensification of the persecution of political opponents but also to a wide-ranging abolition of the powers of state governments.
The new Reich government pushed to end Braun's caretaker government. In the elections for the Prussian Parliament on 5 March, the NSDAP won the most votes at 43.2%. Although it did not achieve a majority, it made significant gains even in Catholic regions. Since the National Socialists, despite gains, did not have a majority in many cities even after the municipal elections of 12 March 1933, the takeover of power was achieved through political manipulation. The Prussian Municipal Constitution Act of 15 December 1933 replaced elected municipal parliaments with appointed municipal councils.[89]
On 22 March 1933, the new Prussian Parliament was constituted. As in the Reich, the mandates of the Communist deputies were revoked and many of them arrested. As a result, the NSDAP had an absolute majority. The Parliament confirmed the dismissal of the Braun government, which officially resigned. The Parliament refrained from electing a new Minister President. The Provisional Law and Second Law on the Coordination of the States with the Reich of 31 March and 7 April 1933 subordinated Prussia to the Reich. On 11 April Hitler appointed Göring Prussian Minister President, and the state Parliament met for the last time on 18 May 1933. It approved an enabling act that transferred all legislative power to the Reich Ministry of State for a period of four years and then adjourned. The SPD alone refused to go along. The act meant the final end of a democratic system in Prussia.[90]
Under the Nazi regime, the structures of the states were increasingly eroded. Utilizing the enabling act authority, on 8 July 1933 Göring enacted a law abolishing the existing Prussian State Council, the second chamber of the legislature that represented the interests of the Prussian provinces. In its place, he created a revised non-legislative Prussian State Council to serve him in an advisory capacity. Göring himself was President of the Council. It would consist, ex officio, of the Prussian cabinet ministers and state secretaries, as well as hand-picked Nazi Party officials and other industry and society leaders selected solely by Göring.[91]
The "First Ordinance for the Unification and Simplification of Administration"[92] of 19 July 1934 (Erste Verordnung zur Vereinheitlichung und Verbilligung der Verwaltung) effectively merged state ministries with Reich ministries. In the "Law on the Reconstruction of the Reich"[93] (Gesetz über den Neuaufbau des Reiches) of 30 January 1934 and the "Reich Governors Law"[94] (Reichsstatthaltergesetz) of 30 January 1935, the states and the provinces of Prussia were dissolved in fact if not in law. The state landtage were abolished and state governments were controlled by Reichsstatthalter (Reich Governors) who were appointed by the Chancellor. The law designated Hitler himself as the Reich Governor of Prussia, although he delegated these functions to Göring. By the "Law on the Abolition of the Reichsrat" of 14 February 1934, the states lost their representation to the upper chamber of the German parliament.
The new rulers were quite successful in appealing to Prussian traditions of discipline and devotion to the state. They were able to connect with trends of the 1920s from the right wing of the political spectrum in which the Prussia of Frederick the Great and Otto von Bismarck and their "Prussian socialism" were compared favorably to liberalism and social democracy. Prussian administrative efficiency was misused for coercive and terrorist rule. In the Prussian-influenced officer corps, few invoked Prussia to refuse serving Hitler.
A few changes were made to Prussian provinces under the Nazi regime. The Greater Hamburg Act of 1937 transferred some territory from the provinces of Hanover and Schleswig-Holstein to Hamburg while at the same time annexing Geesthacht (part of Hamburg) and Lübeck to Schleswig-Holstein, as well as Cuxhaven (Hamburg) to the Province of Hanover. Other changes took place in 1939 involving cessions of suburban municipalities of Hanover to Bremen and in return the annexation of Bremerhaven to the Province of Hanover. Wilhelmshaven (Hanover) was ceded to Oldenburg.
The Prussian lands transferred to Poland after the Treaty of Versailles were reannexed during World War II. Most of the territory was not reintegrated into Prussia but assigned to separate territories of Nazi Germany.
At the end of World War II in 1945, Germany was divided into occupation zones, and all of Germany east of the Oder–Neisse line was ceded to other countries. As had been the case after World War I, almost all of the territory had been Prussian, although a small portion east of the new border had belonged to Saxony. Most of the land went to Poland, ostensibly as compensation for the seizure of Poland's eastern territories by the Soviet Union. The northern third of East Prussia including Königsberg (renamed Kaliningrad in 1946) was annexed by the Soviets. The losses represented nearly two-fifths of Prussian territory and nearly a quarter of the territory within Germany's pre-1938 borders. An estimated ten million Germans fled or were forcibly expelled from the territories.
What remained of Prussia comprised both a little over half of the remaining German territory and a little over half of Prussia's pre-1914 territory. Control Council Law No. 46 of 25 February 1947 explicitly decreed that Prussia should be dissolved.[95][96] The Allies cited Prussia's history of militarism as a reason for dissolving it. Its reconstitution was also opposed (if not for the same reasons) by powerful German postwar politicians, especially the first West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.
Moreover, growing tensions between the Western Allies and the Soviet Union eventually resulted in the Prussian territories west of the Oder-Neisse line being further divided by what became known as the inner German border. The lands east of this boundary (except West Berlin) became part of the German Democratic Republic and the remainder became part of the Federal Republic of Germany. This effectively would have made it impossible to reconstitute a Prussian state resembling the one that existed prior to the Nazi era, even if there had been any significant political will to do so.
After the Allied occupation of Germany in 1945, the provinces of Prussia were split up into the following territories/German states:
