Los viajes del tesoro Ming fueron expediciones marítimas llevadas a cabo por la flota del tesoro de la China Ming entre 1405 y 1433. El emperador Yongle ordenó la construcción de la flota en 1403. El gran proyecto dio como resultado siete viajes oceánicos de largo alcance a los territorios costeros e islas del mar de China Meridional y el océano Índico . El almirante Zheng He fue comisionado para comandar la flota para las expediciones. Seis de los viajes ocurrieron durante el reinado del emperador Yongle ( r. 1402-1424 ) y el séptimo viaje ocurrió durante el reinado del emperador Xuande ( r. 1425-1435 ). Los primeros tres viajes llegaron hasta Calicut en la costa de Malabar de la India , mientras que el cuarto viaje llegó hasta Ormuz en el golfo Pérsico . En los últimos tres viajes, la flota viajó hasta la península Arábiga y África Oriental .
La flota expedicionaria china estaba fuertemente militarizada y transportaba grandes cantidades de tesoros, que sirvieron para proyectar el poder y la riqueza de China al mundo conocido. Trajeron de regreso a muchos embajadores extranjeros cuyos reyes y gobernantes estaban dispuestos a declararse tributarios de China . Durante el curso de los viajes, destruyeron la flota pirata de Chen Zuyi en Palembang , capturaron el reino cingalés Kotte del rey Alakeshvara y derrotaron a las fuerzas del pretendiente Semudera Sekandar en el norte de Sumatra . Las hazañas marítimas chinas llevaron a muchos países al sistema tributario de China y a la esfera de influencia a través de la supremacía tanto militar como política, incorporando así a los estados al gran orden mundial chino bajo la soberanía Ming . Además, los chinos reestructuraron y establecieron el control sobre una red marítima expansiva en la que la región se integró y sus países se interconectaron a nivel económico y político.
Los viajes en busca del tesoro de la dinastía Ming estaban dirigidos y supervisados por el estamento de los eunucos , cuya influencia política dependía en gran medida del favor imperial. Dentro del sistema estatal imperial de la China Ming, los funcionarios civiles eran los principales oponentes políticos de los eunucos y la facción opuesta a las expediciones. Cerca del final de los viajes marítimos, el gobierno civil ganó la delantera dentro de la burocracia estatal, mientras que los eunucos gradualmente cayeron en desgracia después de la muerte del emperador Yongle y perdieron la autoridad para llevar a cabo estas empresas a gran escala. Además, las autoridades y las élites locales tenían intereses económicos antagónicos al control estatal central del comercio, ya que la empresa marítima patrocinada por el Estado había sido clave para contrarrestar el comercio privado localizado.
A lo largo de estos viajes marítimos, la China Ming se convirtió en la potencia naval preeminente al proyectar su poderío marítimo más hacia el sur y el oeste. Todavía hay mucho debate sobre cuestiones como el propósito real de los viajes, el tamaño de los barcos, la magnitud de la flota, las rutas tomadas, las cartas náuticas empleadas, los países visitados y la carga transportada. [1]
El 17 de julio de 1402, en la China Ming , Zhu Di, el príncipe de Yan, ascendió al trono como emperador Yongle . [2] Heredó una poderosa armada de su padre, el emperador Hongwu , y la desarrolló aún más como un instrumento para una política expansiva en el extranjero. [3] [4] El Taizong Shilu contiene 24 entradas breves para las órdenes imperiales de construcción naval, con cifras que apuntan a al menos 2.868 barcos, desde 1403 hasta 1419. [5] En el transcurso de 1403, se ordenó a los gobiernos provinciales de Fujian , Jiangxi , Zhejiang y Huguang , así como a las guarniciones militares de Nanjing , Suzhou y otras ciudades, que comenzaran a construir barcos. [6]
Bajo el reinado del emperador Yongle, la China Ming experimentó un expansionismo militarista con empresas como los viajes del tesoro. [7] [8] En 1403, emitió una orden imperial para iniciar el inmenso proyecto de construcción de la flota del tesoro . [9] La flota era conocida como Xiafan Guanjun (下番官軍; 'armada expedicionaria extranjera'), su designación original, en fuentes chinas. [10] Llegó a comprender muchos barcos mercantes, buques de guerra y buques de apoyo. [9] El astillero de Longjiang fue el sitio de construcción de muchos de los barcos de la flota, [11] [12] incluidos todos los barcos del tesoro . [11] [13] Estaba ubicado en el río Qinhuai cerca de Nanjing, donde desemboca en el río Yangtze . [11] [14] Se cortaron muchos árboles a lo largo del río Min y los tramos superiores del río Yangtze para suministrar los recursos necesarios para la construcción de la flota. [6] Los barcos existentes también fueron reconvertidos para servir en la flota durante los viajes, pero esto sólo se puede decir con certeza de los 249 barcos encargados en 1407. [15]
Los oficiales de alto rango de la flota, como el almirante Zheng He , eran del estamento eunuco . [16] Zheng sirvió como Gran Director en la Dirección de Sirvientes de Palacio, un departamento dominado por eunucos, antes de su mando de las expediciones. [17] El emperador depositó una gran confianza en Zheng y lo nombró para comandar la flota. [6] [18] Incluso le dio pergaminos en blanco sellados con su sello para emitir órdenes imperiales en el mar. [18] Los otros oficiales principales, como Wang Jinghong , Hou Xian, Li Xing, Zhu Liang, Zhou Man , Hong Bao , Yang Zhen, Zhang Da y Wu Zhong, eran eunucos de la corte empleados en el servicio civil. [19] El resto de la tripulación era predominantemente del ejército Ming [16] y en su mayoría reclutados en Fujian. [20] [21]
Durante el inicio de los viajes del tesoro Ming, la flota del tesoro china se embarcó en el astillero de Longjiang y navegó por el río Yangtze hasta Liujiagang , donde Zheng He organizó su flota e hizo sacrificios a la diosa Tianfei . [22] En el transcurso de las siguientes cuatro a ocho semanas, la flota avanzó gradualmente hasta el fondeadero de Taiping en Changle , [22] donde esperaron el favorable monzón de invierno del noreste [nota 1] antes de abandonar la costa de Fujian. [22] [23] [24] Los vientos monzónicos generalmente afectaron la forma en que la flota navegaba por el Mar de China Meridional y el Océano Índico. [25] [26] Llegaron al mar a través del Wuhumen ('paso de los cinco tigres') del río Min en Fujian. [23] El puerto de Qui Nhon en Champa siempre fue el primer destino extranjero que visitó la flota. [27]
Los viajes enviaron la flota al Océano Occidental (西洋), que era la región marítima que abarcaba el actual Mar de China Meridional y el Océano Índico durante la dinastía Ming. [28] Más específicamente, fuentes contemporáneas como el Yingya Shenglan ubican la línea divisoria entre el Océano Oriental y el Océano Occidental en Brunei . [29]
Durante los tres primeros viajes de 1405 a 1411, la flota siguió la misma ruta marítima básica: desde Fujian hasta la primera escala en Champa, a través del mar de China Meridional hasta Java y Sumatra , por el estrecho de Malaca hasta el norte de Sumatra para el ensamblaje de la flota, a través del océano Índico hasta Ceilán , luego a lo largo de la costa de Malabar hasta Calicut . [30] En ese momento, la flota no navegó más allá de Calicut. [31] [32] Durante el cuarto viaje, la ruta se extendió a Ormuz . [33] [32] Durante el quinto, sexto y séptimo viajes, la flota viajó más lejos a destinos en la península Arábiga y África Oriental . [33] [32] Para el sexto viaje, la flota navegó hasta Calicut, donde varios escuadrones destacados se dirigieron a otros destinos en la península Arábiga y África Oriental. [33] Para el séptimo viaje, la flota siguió la ruta hasta Ormuz, mientras escuadrones separados viajaron a otros lugares de la Península Arábiga y África Oriental. [33]
En el tercer mes lunar (del 30 de marzo al 28 de abril) de 1405, se emitió una orden preliminar al almirante Zheng He y a otros para que lideraran 27.000 tropas al océano occidental. [34] Se emitió un edicto imperial, fechado el 11 de julio de 1405, que contenía la orden para la expedición. [35] [36] [37] Estaba dirigido a Zheng He, Wang Jinghong y otros. [35]
El emperador Yongle celebró un banquete para la tripulación la noche anterior al viaje inaugural de la flota del tesoro. [38] Se presentaron regalos a los oficiales y a la tripulación común según su rango. [38] Se ofrecieron sacrificios y oraciones a Tianfei , la diosa patrona de los marineros y navegantes, con la esperanza de asegurar un viaje exitoso y un paso seguro durante el viaje. [38] En el otoño de 1405, la flota se había reunido en Nanjing y estaba lista para partir de la ciudad. [39] Según la entrada del Taizong Shilu del 11 de julio de 1405 sobre el envío de la flota, Zheng y "otros" partieron en la primera expedición "llevando cartas imperiales a los países del Océano Occidental y con regalos para sus reyes de brocado de oro, sedas estampadas y gasa de seda de colores, según su estatus". [40] La flota hizo una parada en Liujiagang . [41] [42] Allí, la flota se organizó en escuadrones mientras la tripulación de la flota honraba a Tianfei con oraciones y sacrificios. [41] Luego, la flota navegó por la costa hasta el fondeadero de Taiping en Changle cerca del río Min , donde esperó el monzón del noreste . [27] La tripulación ofreció más oraciones y sacrificios a Tianfei durante su espera. [27] Después, la flota partió a través del Wuhumen. [23] [27]
La flota navegó hacia Champa , [27] [42] [43] Java , [42] [43] [44] Malaca , [42] [43] Aru , [43] [44] Semudera , [42] [43] [ 44] Lambri , [43] [44] Ceilán , [42] [43] [44] Quilon , [42] [43] y Calicut . [42] [43] [45] Desde Lambri, la flota navegó directamente a través del Océano Índico en lugar de seguir la costa de la Bahía de Bengala hasta Ceilán. [44] Tres días después de su partida de Lambri, un barco se separó y se dirigió a las islas Andamán y Nicobar . [44] Seis días después de la separación, la flota vio las montañas de Ceilán y llegó a la costa occidental de Ceilán dos días después. [44] Abandonaron esta región porque se encontraron con la hostilidad del gobernante local, Alakeshvara . [46] Dreyer (2007) afirma que es posible que Zheng hiciera puerto en Quilon, aunque no hay ningún relato que lo confirme, porque el rey de Quilon viajó con la flota a China en 1407. [47] Mills (1970) afirma que la flota puede haber permanecido cuatro meses en Calicut desde diciembre hasta abril de 1407. [48] Alrededor del cabo Comorin en el extremo sur del subcontinente indio , la flota cambió de dirección y comenzó su viaje de regreso a China. [47] Durante el regreso, la flota se detuvo nuevamente en Malaca. [49]
Durante el viaje de regreso en 1407, Zheng y sus asociados se enfrentaron a Chen Zuyi y su flota pirata en la batalla de Palembang . [42] [43] [49] [50] Chen se había apoderado de Palembang [42] [49] y dominaba la ruta marítima a lo largo del estrecho de Malaca. [42] La batalla concluyó con la derrota de la flota pirata de Chen por la flota del tesoro china. [42] [50] Él y sus lugartenientes fueron ejecutados el 2 de octubre de 1407 cuando la flota china regresó a Nanjing. [51] La corte Ming nombró a Shi Jinqing como Superintendente de Pacificación de Palembang, estableciendo un aliado en Palembang y asegurando el acceso a su puerto. [52]
La flota regresó a Nanjing el 2 de octubre de 1407. [36] [53] [54] Después de acompañar a la flota durante el viaje de regreso, los enviados extranjeros (de Calicut, Quilon, Semudera, Aru, Malacca y otras naciones no especificadas) visitaron la corte Ming para rendir homenaje y presentar tributo con sus productos locales. [35] [51] [55] El emperador Yongle ordenó al Ministerio de Ritos, cuyas funciones incluían el protocolo relativo a los embajadores extranjeros, que preparara regalos para los reyes extranjeros que habían enviado enviados a la corte. [51]
La orden imperial para el segundo viaje se emitió en octubre de 1407. [nota 2] [42] [56] El edicto estaba dirigido a Zheng He, Wang Jinghong y Hou Xian (侯顯). [56] El Qixiuleigao (七修類稿) de Lang Ying registra que Zheng, Wang y Hou fueron enviados en 1407. [57] El Taizong Shilu registra que Zheng y otros fueron como enviados a los países de Calicut, Malacca, Semudera, Aru, Jiayile , Java, Siam , Champa, Cochin , Abobadan , Quilon, Lambri y Ganbali . [nota 3] [58]
El 30 de octubre de 1407, un gran director fue enviado con un escuadrón a Champa antes de que Zheng lo siguiera con el cuerpo principal de la flota del tesoro. [59] La flota partió en el quinto año del reinado de Yongle (finales de 1407 o posiblemente principios de 1408). [36] La flota viajó desde Nanjing a Liujiagang a Changle. [60] Luego navegó a Champa; Siam; Java; Malaca; Semudera, Aru y Lambri en Sumatra ; Jiayile, Abobadan, Ganbali , Quilon, Cochin y Calicut en la India . [60] Dreyer (2007) afirma que es posible que Siam y Java fueran visitados por la flota o por escuadrones separados antes de reagruparse en Malaca. [60] Durante este viaje, la flota no desembarcó en Ceilán. [60] La flota fue encargada de llevar a cabo la investidura formal de Mana Vikraan como Rey de Calicut . [45] [56] [61] Se colocó una placa en Calicut para conmemorar la relación entre China y la India. [45] [56]
En este viaje, los chinos resolvieron por la fuerza la enemistad entre la China Ming y Java. [58] En una guerra civil en Java entre 1401 y 1406 , el rey de Java Occidental mató a 170 miembros de una embajada china que había desembarcado en el territorio de su rival en Java Oriental. [nota 4] [58] La entrada fechada el 23 de octubre de 1407 en el Ming Shilu afirma que el rey occidental de Java había enviado un enviado a la corte Ming para admitir su culpabilidad por matar por error a 170 tropas Ming que habían desembarcado para comerciar. [62] Además, afirma que la corte Ming respondió exigiendo 60.000 liang de oro como compensación y expiación, advirtiendo que enviarían un ejército para castigar al gobernante javanés por su crimen si no cumplía y afirmando que la situación en Annam (en referencia a la exitosa invasión de Vietnam por parte de la China Ming) podría servir de ejemplo. [58] [62] Los chinos aceptaron el pago y la disculpa, y restablecieron las relaciones diplomáticas. [63] Shuyu Zhouzilu de Yan Congjian señala que el emperador luego perdonó 50.000 liang de oro que aún se debían de esto, siempre y cuando el gobernante occidental estuviera arrepentido de su crimen. [64] Tan (2005) señala que Zheng había presentado el caso de los asesinatos al emperador para una decisión, en lugar de emprender una invasión militar en venganza, ya que los asesinatos no fueron intencionales. [64] Los chinos utilizarían más viajes para mantener la vigilancia sobre Java. [63]
Durante el viaje, según lo registrado por Fei Xin , la flota visitó la isla Sembilan en el estrecho de Malaca en el séptimo año del reinado de Yongle (1409). [57] [60] Dreyer (2007) concluye que la parada se hizo durante el viaje de regreso del segundo viaje, ya que la flota no abandonó la costa china para el tercer viaje hasta principios de 1410. [60] Fei escribió que "En el séptimo año de Yongle, Zheng He y sus asociados enviaron tropas gubernamentales a la isla para cortar incienso. Obtuvieron seis troncos, cada uno de ocho o nueve chi [nota 5] de diámetro y seis o siete zhang [nota 5] de longitud, cuyo aroma era puro y de gran alcance. El patrón [de la madera] era negro, con líneas finas. La gente de la isla abrió mucho los ojos y sacó la lengua con asombro, y se les dijo que 'Somos los soldados de la Corte Celestial, y nuestro poder imponente es como el de los dioses'". [65] La flota regresó a Nanjing en el verano de 1409. [42] [60]
La confusión sobre si Zheng emprendió el segundo viaje se debe al hecho de que un enviado chino fue enviado antes de que partiera con el cuerpo principal de la flota. [51] El edicto imperial para el tercer viaje se emitió durante el segundo viaje mientras la flota todavía estaba en el océano Índico, por lo que Zheng estaba ausente cuando la corte emitió la orden imperial o no había acompañado a la flota durante el segundo viaje. [66] El 21 de enero de 1409, se celebró una gran ceremonia en honor a la diosa Tianfei, donde recibió un nuevo título. [67] Duyvendak (1938) piensa que Zheng no pudo haber estado en el segundo viaje, porque la importancia de la ceremonia requería la asistencia de Zheng. [68] Mills (1970), citando a Duyvendak (1938), también afirma que no acompañó a la flota en este viaje. [56] Sin embargo, Dreyer (2007) afirma que hay fuertes indicios de que Zheng había estado en el segundo viaje, ya que el relato de Fei sobre la visita de 1409 a Pulau Sembilan lo menciona explícitamente. [69]
Inmediatamente, devastamos sus guaridas y escondites,
y cautivamos a todo ese país,
trayendo de regreso a nuestra augusta capital,
a sus mujeres, niños, familias y sirvientes, sin dejar ni uno solo,
limpiando de una sola pasada esas plagas nocivas, como si se estuviera aventando paja del grano...
Estos insignificantes gusanos, merecedores de morir diez mil veces, temblando de miedo...
Ni siquiera merecían el castigo del Cielo.
Así, el augusto emperador les perdonó la vida,
y ellos se inclinaron humildemente, emitiendo sonidos groseros y
alabando la virtud sabia del gobernante imperial Ming.
— Yang Rong (1515) sobre el conflicto en Ceilán [70]
La orden imperial para el tercer viaje se emitió en el primer mes del séptimo año del reinado de Yongle (del 16 de enero al 14 de febrero de 1409). [71] [72] [73] Estaba dirigida a Zheng He, Wang Jinghong y Hou Xian. [71] [73]
Zheng se embarcó en el viaje en 1409. [74] La flota del tesoro china partió de Liujiagang en el noveno mes (del 9 de octubre al 6 de noviembre de 1409) y llegó a Changle el mes siguiente (del 7 de noviembre al 6 de diciembre de 1409). [66] [73] [74] Salieron de Changle en el duodécimo mes (del 5 de enero al 3 de febrero de 1410). [66] [74] Continuaron por el Wuhumen. [73] La flota hizo paradas en Champa, Java, Malaca, Semudera, Ceilán, Quilon, Cochin y Calicut. [42] [66] [75] Viajaron a Champa en 10 días. [66] [73] Wang y Hou hicieron breves desvíos en Siam, Malaca, Semudera y Ceilán. [42] La flota desembarcó en Galle , Ceilán, en 1410. [66]
Durante el viaje de regreso en 1411, la flota del tesoro china se enfrentó al rey Alakeshvara de Ceilán . [nota 6] [75] [76] Alakeshvara representaba una amenaza para los países y las aguas locales de Ceilán y el sur de la India. [77] Cuando los chinos llegaron a Ceilán, fueron autoritarios y despreciaron a los cingaleses, a quienes consideraban groseros, irrespetuosos y hostiles. [78] También estaban resentidos con los cingaleses por atacar y cometer piratería contra países vecinos que tenían relaciones diplomáticas con la China Ming. [78] Zheng y 2000 tropas viajaron por tierra a Kotte , porque Alakeshvara los había atraído a su territorio. [78] El rey separó a Zheng y sus hombres de la flota china anclada en Colombo, [79] mientras planeaba un ataque sorpresa a la flota. [42] [77] En respuesta, Zheng y sus tropas invadieron Kotte y capturaron su capital. [77] El ejército cingalés, que según se ha registrado contaba con más de 50.000 soldados, regresó rápidamente y rodeó la capital, pero fue derrotado repetidamente en batalla por las tropas invasoras chinas. [79] Tomaron prisioneros a Alakeshvara, a su familia y a los principales funcionarios. [73] [79]
Zheng regresó a Nanjing el 6 de julio de 1411. [73] [80] Presentó a los cautivos cingaleses al emperador Yongle, [73] quien decidió liberarlos y devolverlos a su país. [73] [76] [77] Los chinos destronaron a Alakeshvara en favor de su aliado Parakramabahu VI como rey con Zheng y su flota apoyándolo. [81] [82] A partir de entonces, la flota no experimentó hostilidades durante las visitas a Ceilán. [77]
El 18 de diciembre de 1412, el emperador Yongle dio la orden para el cuarto viaje. [75] [83] [84] Zheng He y otros recibieron la orden de dirigirlo. [83] [84]
El emperador asistió a un concurso de tiro con arco para el Festival del Solsticio de Verano de 1413 (quinto día, quinto mes, undécimo año) al que fueron invitados todos los funcionarios chinos y enviados extranjeros. [85] Duyvendak (1939) afirma que estos enviados eran tan numerosos que lo más probable es que estuvieran compuestos por muchos de los que Zheng escoltó de regreso a sus países durante el cuarto viaje en lugar de solo vecinos cercanos. [85] Esta expedición llevó a la flota del tesoro china a países musulmanes, por lo que debe haber sido importante para los chinos buscar intérpretes confiables. [86] El intérprete Ma Huan se unió a los viajes por primera vez. [86] Una inscripción de 1523 en una mezquita en Xi'an registra que, el cuarto mes del undécimo año, Zheng estaba allí para buscar intérpretes confiables y encontró a Hasan (哈三). [86] Hasan era competente en árabe y se embarcó en este viaje. [87]
La flota partió de Nanjing en 1413, probablemente en otoño. [84] [88] [89] Zarpó de Fujian en el duodécimo mes del undécimo año del reinado de Yongle (del 23 de diciembre de 1413 al 21 de enero de 1414). [88] [89] Calicut fue el destino más occidental durante los viajes anteriores, pero la flota navegó más allá de él esta vez. [90] El Taizong Shilu registra Malaca, Java, Champa, Semudera, Aru, Cochin, Calicut, Lambri, Pahang , Kelantan , Jiayile , Ormuz , Bila , Maldivas y Sunla como paradas de este viaje. [75]
La flota navegó hacia Champa, [88] [91] Kelantan, [91] Pahang, [91] Malacca, [88] [91] Palembang, [91] [92] Java, [90] [91] Lambri, [90] [91] Lide, [90] Aru, [90] Semudera, [90] [91] Ceilán, [90] [91] Jiayile (frente a Ceilán), [90] Cochin; [90] [91] y Calicut. [90] [91] Procedieron a Liushan ( Islas Maldivas y Laquedivas ), [91] [93] Bila ( Atolón Bitra ), [93] Sunla ( Atolón Chetlat ), [93] y Ormuz. [91] [93] En Java, la flota entregó regalos y favores del Emperador Yongle. [90] A cambio, un enviado javanés llegó a China el 29 de abril de 1415 y presentó un tributo en forma de "caballos occidentales" y productos locales, al tiempo que expresaba su gratitud. [90]
En 1415, la flota hizo una parada en el norte de Sumatra durante el viaje de regreso. [94] En esta región, Sekandar había usurpado el trono de Semudera a Zain al-'Abidin, [84] pero los chinos habían reconocido formalmente a este último como el Rey de Semudera. [94] En contraste, Sekandar, un gobernante autónomo, no fue reconocido por los chinos. [94] Se ordenó a Zheng lanzar un ataque punitivo contra el usurpador y restaurar a Zain al-'Abidin como el rey legítimo. [84] Sekandar y sus fuerzas, que comprendían según se informa "decenas de miles" de soldados, [95] atacaron a las fuerzas Ming y fueron derrotados por ellas. [94] [95] Las fuerzas Ming persiguieron a las fuerzas de Sekandar hasta Lambri, donde capturaron a Sekandar, su esposa y su hijo. [84] El rey Zain al-'Abidin envió más tarde una misión de tributo para expresar su agradecimiento. [94] Este conflicto reafirmó el poder chino sobre los estados extranjeros y la ruta marítima al proteger a la autoridad política local que protegía el comercio. [94] Sekandar fue presentado al emperador Yongle en la puerta del palacio y luego ejecutado. [84] No se sabe cuándo ocurrió esta ejecución, pero Ma afirma que Sekandar fue ejecutado públicamente en la capital después de que la flota regresara. [96] Fei Xin describe a Sekandar como un falso rey que robó, hurtó y usurpó el trono de Semudera, Ma Huan lo retrata como alguien que intentó derrocar al gobernante, y el Ming Shilu registra que Sekandar era el hermano menor del ex rey y conspiró para matar al gobernante. [95]
El 12 de agosto de 1415, la flota regresó a Nanjing de este viaje. [75] [84] [96] El emperador Yongle estaba ausente desde el 16 de marzo de 1413 para su segunda campaña militar contra los mongoles y no había regresado cuando llegó la flota. [88] Después del regreso de la flota, se enviaron enviados con tributos de 18 países a la corte Ming. [91]
El 14 de noviembre de 1416, el emperador Yongle regresó a Nanjing. [97] El 19 de noviembre, se celebró una gran ceremonia en la que entregó regalos a los príncipes, funcionarios civiles, oficiales militares y embajadores de 18 países. [nota 7] [97] El 28 de diciembre, los embajadores visitaron la corte Ming para despedirse y se les otorgaron túnicas antes de partir. [97] Ese día, el emperador ordenó que se emprendiera el quinto viaje, [88] [98] [99] cuyo objetivo era devolver a los embajadores y recompensar a sus reyes. [98] [99]
Zheng He y otros recibieron órdenes de escoltar a los embajadores de vuelta a casa. [97] Llevaban cartas imperiales y regalos para varios reyes. [97] El rey de Cochin recibió un trato especial porque había enviado tributo desde 1411 y más tarde también envió embajadores para solicitar la patente de investidura y un sello. [97] El emperador Yongle le concedió ambas peticiones, le confirió una larga inscripción (supuestamente compuesta por el propio emperador) y le dio el título de "Montaña Protectora del Estado" a una colina en Cochin. [97]
Zheng pudo haber abandonado la costa china en el otoño de 1417. [98] [100] Primero hizo escala en Quanzhou para cargar las bodegas de la flota del tesoro con porcelana y otros bienes. [101] Se han excavado hallazgos arqueológicos de porcelana china contemporánea en los lugares de África Oriental visitados por la flota. [102] Una tablilla Ming en Quanzhou conmemora a Zheng quemando incienso para protección divina durante el viaje el 31 de mayo de 1417. [102] [103] La flota visitó Champa, Pahang, Java, Palembang, Malaca, Semudera, Lambri, Ceilán, Cochin, Calicut, Shaliwanni (posiblemente Cannanore ), Liushan (islas Maladivas y Laquedivas), Ormuz, Lasa , Adén , Mogadiscio , Brava , Zhubu y Malindi . [104] Para Arabia y África Oriental, la ruta más probable era Ormuz, Lasa , Adén, Mogadiscio, Brava, Zhubu y luego Malindi. [105] El Tarih al-Yaman fi d-daulati r-Rasuliya informa que los barcos chinos llegaron a la costa de Adén en enero de 1419 y no abandonaron la capital rasúlida en Ta'izz antes del 19 de marzo. [106]
El 8 de agosto de 1419, la flota había regresado a China. [98] [102] [107] El emperador Yongle estaba en Pekín, pero ordenó al Ministerio de Ritos que diera recompensas monetarias al personal de la flota. [108] Los embajadores que acompañaban fueron recibidos en la corte Ming en el octavo mes lunar (del 21 de agosto al 19 de septiembre) de 1419. [98] [107] Su tributo incluía leones, leopardos, camellos dromedarios, avestruces, cebras, rinocerontes, antílopes, jirafas y otros animales exóticos. [91] La llegada de los diversos animales traídos por los embajadores extranjeros causó sensación en la corte Ming. [107]
A principios del otoño de 1420, después de que el emperador anunciara el traslado de la capital a Pekín, hizo arreglos para que todos los enviados extranjeros viajaran a la nueva capital para una celebración a principios de 1421. [109]
La entrada del Taizong Shilu del 3 de marzo de 1421 señala que los enviados de dieciséis países (Ormuz y otros países) recibieron regalos de papel moneda, monedas, túnicas ceremoniales y forros antes de que la flota del tesoro china los escoltara de regreso a sus países. [108] La orden imperial para el sexto viaje estaba fechada el 3 de marzo de 1421. [110] [111] Zheng He fue enviado con cartas imperiales, brocado de seda, hilo de seda, gasa de seda y otros regalos para los gobernantes de estos países. [108]
El Xiyang Fanguo Zhi de Gong Zhen registra un edicto imperial del 10 de noviembre de 1421 que instruía a Zheng He, Kong He (孔和), Zhu Buhua (朱卜花) y Tang Guanbao (唐觀保) para organizar las provisiones para la escolta de Hong Bao y otros de los enviados extranjeros a sus países. [111] [112] Los enviados de los 16 estados diferentes fueron escoltados a sus países de origen por la flota. [113] Es probable que los primeros destinos fueran Malaca y los tres estados de Sumatra de Lambri, Aru y Semudera. [113] La flota se dividió en varios escuadrones separados en Semudera. [110] [113] [114] Todos los escuadrones se dirigieron a Ceilán, donde después se separaron para Jiayile , Cochin, Ganbali , [nota 3] o Calicut en el sur de la India. [113] Los escuadrones viajaron desde allí a sus respectivos destinos en Liushan (Islas Maldivas y Laquedivas), Ormuz en el Golfo Pérsico, los tres estados árabes de Dhofar , Lasa y Adén, y los dos estados africanos de Mogadiscio y Brava. [113] El eunuco Zhou (probablemente Zhou Man ) dirigió un escuadrón destacado a Adén. [110] [114] [115] Ma Huan menciona a Zhou Man y Li Xing en relación con la visita a Adén. [116] Su escuadrón también puede haber visitado Lasa y Dhofar. [115] Según el Mingshi , Zheng visitó personalmente a Ganbali como enviado en 1421. [113] De las doce naciones visitadas al oeste de Sumatra, esta fue la única de la que se informó explícitamente que había sido visitada por el propio Zheng. [113] Aunque no se visitó Quilon, la escuadra que iba a Mogadiscio probablemente se separó cerca de Quilon como punto de navegación mientras el cuerpo principal de la flota continuaba hacia Calicut. [115] Una gran escuadra prosiguió desde Calicut hasta Ormuz. [115] Es posible que hayan viajado a través de las Laquedivas. [115]
A su regreso, varios escuadrones se reagruparon en Calicut y todos los escuadrones se reagruparon aún más en Semudera. [115] Es probable que visitaran Siam durante el viaje de regreso. [113] La flota regresó el 3 de septiembre de 1422. [111] [117] Trajeron consigo enviados de Siam, Semudera, Adén y otros países, que les pagaron tributo en productos locales. [117] Los enviados extranjeros, que viajaron con la flota a China, procedieron por tierra o por el Gran Canal antes de llegar a la corte imperial en Pekín en 1423. [118]
El 31 de enero de 1423, como se informa en el Tarih al-Yaman fi d-daulati r-Rasuliya , el Sultán de los Rasulid emitió una orden para recibir a una delegación china en la capital Ta'izz en febrero y se intercambiaron bienes. [106] Esto indica que varios barcos chinos no regresaron con la flota del tesoro china a China. [106]
El 14 de mayo de 1421, el emperador Yongle ordenó la suspensión temporal de los viajes del tesoro. [nota 8] [119] A expensas de los viajes, la atención y la financiación imperial se desviaron a las campañas militares del emperador contra los mongoles . [120] Entre 1422 y 1431, la flota del tesoro china permaneció en Nanjing para servir en la guarnición de la ciudad. [121]
En 1424, Zheng He partió en misión diplomática a Palembang . [nota 9] [122] [123] Mientras tanto, Zhu Gaozhi ascendió al trono como Emperador Hongxi el 7 de septiembre de 1424 tras la muerte de su padre, el Emperador Yongle, el 12 de agosto de 1424. [124] [125] Zheng regresó de Palembang después de esta muerte. [123] [126] [127]
El emperador Hongxi estaba en contra de la realización de los viajes. [108] [128] El 7 de septiembre de 1424, el día de su ascenso al trono, dio por finalizada la realización de más viajes. [129] Mantuvo la flota del tesoro, que mantuvo su designación original Xiafan Guanjun , para guarnecer Nanjing. [130] El 24 de febrero de 1425, nombró a Zheng como defensor de Nanjing y le ordenó que continuara su mando sobre la flota para la defensa de la ciudad. [131] El emperador Hongxi murió el 29 de mayo de 1425 y fue sucedido por su hijo mayor Zhu Zhanji como emperador Xuande . [132] El emperador Xuande dejó los arreglos de su padre en su lugar, por lo que la flota permaneció como parte de las instituciones en Nanjing. [133]
El 25 de marzo de 1428, el emperador Xuande ordenó a Zheng y a otros que supervisaran la reconstrucción y reparación del Gran Templo Bao'en en Nanjing. [134] La construcción del templo se completó en 1431. [134] Es posible que los fondos para construirlo se desviaran de los viajes del tesoro. [135]
Hemos atravesado más de cien mil li de inmensos espacios acuáticos y hemos contemplado en el océano enormes olas que se alzan como montañas hasta el cielo. Hemos contemplado lejanas regiones bárbaras ocultas en una transparencia azul de vapores ligeros, mientras nuestras velas, desplegadas en lo alto como nubes, día y noche continuaban su curso con velocidad estelar, enfrentando las olas salvajes como si estuviéramos pisando una vía pública.
— Zheng He y sus asociados [136]
Gong Zhen registra que se emitió una orden imperial el 25 de mayo de 1430 para la disposición de las provisiones necesarias para el envío de Zheng He, Wang Jinghong, Li Xing, Zhu Liang, Yang Zhen, Hong Bao y otros en asuntos oficiales a los países del Océano Occidental. [112] Estaba dirigida a Yang Qing (楊慶), Luo Zhi (羅智), Tang Guanbo (唐觀保) y Yuan Cheng (袁誠). [112] El 29 de junio de 1430, el emperador Xuande emitió sus órdenes para el séptimo viaje. [110] [118] [137] Estaba dirigida a Zheng y otros. [110] El Xuanzong Shilu informa que Zheng, Wang y otros fueron enviados a tierras extranjeras distantes para ponerlos en deferencia y sumisión. [118] El emperador deseaba revitalizar las relaciones tributarias que se promovieron durante el reinado de Yongle. [138]
El Xia Xiyang proporciona información sobre las fechas y el itinerario de este viaje. [nota 10] El 19 de enero de 1431, la flota del tesoro china se embarcó en Longwan ('bahía del dragón') en Nanjing. [139] [140] El 23 de enero, llegaron a Xushan (una isla no identificada en el Yangtze ) donde fueron de caza. [139] [140] El 2 de febrero, pasaron por el Paso Fuzi (actual Canal Baimaosha). [139] [140] Llegaron a Liujiagang el 3 de febrero. [139] [140] Llegaron a Changle el 8 de abril. [139] [140] Fueron a Fu Tou Shan (posiblemente cerca de Fuzhou ) el 16 de diciembre. [140] El 12 de enero de 1432, pasaron por Wuhumen (en la entrada del río Min). [139] [140] Llegaron a Vijaya (cerca de la actual Qui Nhon ) en Champa el 27 de enero y partieron de allí el 12 de febrero. [140] [141] Llegaron a Surabaya en Java el 7 de marzo y partieron de allí el 13 de julio. [140] [142] La flota llegó a Palembang el 24 de julio y partió de allí el 27 de julio. [142] [143] Llegaron a Malaca el 3 de agosto y partieron de allí el 2 de septiembre. [143] [144] Llegaron a Semudera el 12 de septiembre y partieron de allí el 2 de noviembre. [143] [144] Llegaron a Beruwala en Ceilán el 28 de noviembre y partieron de allí el 2 de diciembre. [143] [144] [145] Llegaron a Calicut el 10 de diciembre y partieron de allí el 14 de diciembre. [143] [145] Llegaron a Ormuz el 17 de enero de 1433 y partieron de allí el 9 de marzo. [143] [146]
Ormuz estaba más al oeste de los ocho destinos registrados para el séptimo viaje en el Xia Xiyang . [146] El Mingshi y otras fuentes describen el viaje con la flota visitando al menos diecisiete países (incluidos los ya mencionados en el Xia Xiyang ). [146] [147] Los destinos adicionales reportados en el Mingshi son Ganbali , [nota 3] Bengala , las cadenas de islas Laquedivas y Maldivas, Dhofar, Lasa , Adén, La Meca , Mogadiscio y Brava. [148] Gong registró un total de 20 países visitados. [147] Fei Xin menciona que la flota se detuvo en las cadenas de islas Andamán y Nicobar durante el viaje. [148] [149] Escribe que, el 14 de noviembre de 1432, la flota llegó a Cuilanxu (probablemente la Gran Isla Nicobar ) donde ancló durante tres días debido a los vientos y olas desfavorables. [145] Escribe además que los hombres y mujeres nativos llegaron en barcos de troncos para comerciar con cocos. [145] Los pueblos vecinos de Aru, Nagur, Lide y Lambri fueron sin duda visitados por algunos barcos, según Dreyer (2007), en el camino a Semudera en el norte de Sumatra. [148]
Zheng es mencionado en el Mingshi en relación con las visitas a Ganbali , [146] [150] Lasa , [146] [150] Djorfar, [146] Mogadiscio, [146] [150] y Brava. [146] [150] Dreyer (2007) afirma que el relato no es claro sobre si fue a esos lugares en persona, pero la redacción podría indicar que lo hizo, ya que afirma que proclamó instrucciones imperiales a los reyes de estos países. [146] Señala que también es posible que Zheng no lo hiciera, porque la flota solo hizo paradas cortas en Calicut (4 días de ida y 9 días de vuelta), lo que no habría proporcionado tiempo suficiente para viajar por tierra a Ganbali , a menos que la ubicación no se refiriera a Coimbatore sino a otro lugar del sur de la India. [151] El viaje por tierra puede haber sido realizado por otra persona además de Zheng. [148]
Hong commanded a squadron for the journey to Bengal.[148] Ma Huan was among the personnel in this squadron.[152] It is not known when they exactly detached from the fleet for Bengal.[note 11] They sailed directly from Semudera to Bengal.[153] In Bengal, they traveled in order to Chittagong, Sonargaon, and the capital Gaur.[154] Afterwards, they sailed directly from Bengal to Calicut.[153][154] The fleet had departed from Calicut for Hormuz by the time Hong's squadron arrived in Calicut.[153] Ma writes that Hong sent seven men to accompany a ship[note 12] from Calicut bound for Mecca after he observed that Calicut was sending men there.[155][156] He adds that it took a year for them to go and return and that they had purchased various commodities and valuables such as giraffes, lions, and ostriches.[155][156] Hong's tomb, located in Nanjing, contains an inscription that substantiates the visit to Mecca by the squadron commanded by Hong.[156] It is likely that Ma was one of the people who visited Mecca.[note 13][157][158] Dreyer (2007) suggests that Hong may also have been involved with other destinations such as Dhofar, Lasa, Aden, Mogadishu, and Brava.[159]
Dreyer (2007) states that the following countries may also have been visited by a few of the ships when the fleet passed by them: Siam; the northern Sumatran states of Aru, Nagur, Lide, and Lambri (when sailing to Semudera); and Quilon and Cochin (when sailing to Calicut).[148] Mills (1970) concludes that Zheng's associates—not Zheng himself—had visited Siam, Aru, Nagur, Lide, Lambri, Nicobar Islands, Bengal, Quilon, Cochi, Coimbatore, Maldive Islands, Dhufar, Lasa, Aden, Mecca, Mogadishu, and Brava.[149] Pelliot (1933) suggests that the squadrons detached from the fleet at Hormuz to travel to Aden, the East African ports, and perhaps Lasa.[160]
The Xia Xiyang also provided the dates and itinerary, as described hereafter, for the return route of the seventh voyage.[note 10] The Chinese treasure fleet departed from Hormuz on 9 March 1433, arrived at Calicut on 31 March, and departed from Calicut on 9 April to sail across the ocean.[161][162] They arrived at Semudera on 25 April and left there on 1 May.[161][162] On 9 May, they arrived at Malacca.[161][162] They arrived at the Kunlun Ocean[note 14] on 28 May.[note 15][162] They arrived at Vijaya (present-day Qiu Nhon) on 13 June and left there on 17 June.[162][163] The Xia Xiyang records several geographical sightings[note 16] at this point.[163] The fleet arrived at Taicang on 7 July.[162][163] The Xia Xiyang notes that it did not record the later stages, that is, the journey between Taicang and the capital.[162] On 22 July 1433, they arrived in the capital Beijing.[162][164] On 27 July, the Xuande Emperor bestowed ceremonial robes and paper money to the fleet's personnel.[162][164]
According to Dreyer (2007), the fleet's detached squadrons were probably already assembled at Calicut for the homeward journey, as the main fleet did not remain long there.[161] He states that they did not stop at Ceylon or southern India, because they were sailing under favorable conditions and were running before the southwest monsoon.[161] Ma records that the various detached ships reassembled in Malacca to wait for favorable winds before continuing their return.[157]
The fleet returned with envoys from 11 countries, including from Mecca.[165] On 14 September 1433, as recorded in the Xuanzong Shilu, the following envoys came to court to present tribute: King Zain al-Abidin of Semudera sent his younger brother Halizhi Han and others, King Bilima of Calicut sent his ambassador Gebumanduluya and others, King Keyili of Cochin sent his ambassador Jiabubilima and others, King Parakramabahu VI of Ceylon sent his ambassador Mennidenai and others, King Ali of Dhofar sent his ambassador Hajji Hussein and others, King Al-Malik az-Zahir Yahya b. Isma'il of Aden sent his ambassador Puba and others, King Devaraja of Coimbatore sent his ambassador Duansilijian and others, King Sa'if-ud-Din of Hormuz sent the foreigner Malazu, the King of "Old Kayal" (Jiayile) sent his ambassador Abd-ur-Rahman and others, and the King of Mecca sent the headman (toumu) Shaxian and others.[164]
During the course of the treasure voyages, Ming China had become the pre-eminent naval power of the early 15th century.[166] The Yongle Emperor had extended imperial control over foreign lands during the span of the voyages.[167] However, in 1433, the voyages ceased and Ming China turned away from the seas.[168] Admiral Zheng He himself died in 1433[169] or 1435.[170]
The trade still flourished long after the voyages had ceased.[171] Chinese ships continued to control the Eastern Asian maritime trade.[165][172][173] They also kept on trading with India and East Africa.[172] However, the imperial tributary system over the foreign regions and state monopoly over the foreign trade gradually broke down as time progressed,[174] while private trade supplanted the centralized tributary trade.[173] The voyages were a means to establish direct links between the Ming court and foreign tribute states, which effectively outflanked both private channels of trade and local civil officials sabotaging the prohibitions against overseas exchange.[167] The end of the voyages led to the shift of foreign commerce to the domain of local authorities, which further undermined the authority of the central government.[174]
The nobility and military were an important part of the ruling elite during the Hongwu and Yongle reigns, but the political power gradually shifted to the civil government.[175] As a consequence, the eunuch faction was unable to gather enough support to initiate projects opposed by civil officials.[175] These bureaucrats remained wary of any attempt by the eunuchs to restart the voyages.[175] The withdrawal of Ming China's treasure fleet left a power vacuum across the Indian Ocean.[176]
It is not exactly known why the Ming treasure voyages completely ended in 1433.[177] Duyvendak (1939) suggests that the heavy costs partly contributed to the ending of the expeditions,[178] but Ray (1987), Finlay (1992), and Dreyer (2007) note that the costs had not overburdened the Ming treasury.[179][180][181] Ray (1987) adds that the voyages were a profitable enterprise and rejects the notion that the voyages were terminated because they were wasteful, costly, or uneconomic.[179] Siu (2023) remarks that pressure on the government and the economy by increasing expenditure should not be attributed to the voyages, since the voyages created positive revenue for the state.[182]
Even though civil officials had ill feelings toward eunuchs for their overbearing nature and interference in state affairs, much of the hostility that came to characterize the relationship between the officials and eunuchs manifested long after the voyages ended, when eunuchs wielded their power to enrich themselves through extortion and to persecute their critics.[183][184] According to Lo (1958) and Ray (1987), the hostility between these factions cannot explain the cessation of the voyages.[183][184] Lo (1958) also notes that Zheng He was on friendly terms with many high officials and was respected by them,[183] while Ray (1987) mentions that eunuchs such as Zheng He and Hou Xian were held in high esteem by the court.[184]
In the conventional narrative, Confucian conservatism was responsible for bringing about the termination of the voyages and the general distaste for them thereafter.[185] Kutcher (2020) challenges this view, as he argues that late Ming and early Qing texts reveal that critique on the voyages had to do with the excesses of eunuch power due to the corruption of the boundaries between the inner and outer court, rather than a set of ideological objections.[185] Herein, the voyages were regarded as a critical moment in the empowerment of eunuchs, who should not have been given duties outside the court.[185] Finlay (2008) remarks that Confucian officials played a role in the cessation of the voyages, but that they were probably more motivated by institutional self-interest—as the voyages were controlled by their bureaucratic rivals, the eunuchs—than by ideological bias.[186]
Ray (1987) states that the cessation of the voyages happened as traders and bureaucrats, for reasons of economic self-interest and through their connections in Beijing, gradually collapsed the framework supporting both the state-controlled maritime enterprise and the strict regulation of the private commerce with prohibitive policies.[187] Similarly, Lo (1958) states that rich and influential individuals used their connections in Beijing to undermine efforts to restore the trade to official channels and possibly revive the voyages, because they wanted to safeguard their interests and were antagonistic to the government's monopoly of foreign trade.[173]
Sui (2023) argues that the cessation of the voyages was a consequence of the fiscal competition between emperors and civil officials.[188] The Yongle Emperor extracted funds from the national treasuries to finance his construction projects and military operations, which included the treasure voyages, while he monopolized on the trade income to ensure freedom to realize his ambitious plans.[188] In doing so, the emperor enhanced his authority in fiscal matters and encroached on the fiscal power of the civil government.[188] The civil officials were charged by the emperor to raise funds for the voyages, but they had no influence in the trade income as the emperor had designated the eunuchs to manage the trade and its revenues.[188] Herein, the voyages became a focal point of criticism by officials.[189] Even though the financial allocation for the voyages was a relatively small portion of the government's overall budget, the voyages signified a step toward a new division of fiscal authority between the emperor and the civil officials, one which excluded the officials from the budget process.[190]
In 1435, when the Xuande Emperor died, the civil officials started to gain power as the new emperor, the Zhengtong Emperor, was only eight years old when he ascended the throne and could be influenced.[189] They seized this opportunity to permanently dismantle the voyages through a number of measures.[189] Firstly, the civil officials diminished the power of the imperial navy.[189] Plans for further voyages were cancelled, relevant offices such as the Haichuan Shoubei (海船守備; 'commandant of seagoing vessels') were dissolved, seagoing vessels were demolished or modified to ships unsuitable for sea travel, sea routes for the tax grain transport to Beijing were halted, and mariners were transferred to river transport work.[189] Secondly, the civil officials ensured that the court would not produce goods for export.[189] They terminated the mass production of export products and the purchase of the materials needed for it.[189] All the eunuchs and officials, who had been sent to supervise the manufacturing or to make purchases, were recalled.[189] Thirdly, the civil officials discouraged overseas visits through the implementation of complex and stringent regulations.[189] From 1435, the bureaucrats urged the foreign delegations to leave China.[189] The court sent them to Malacca and asked them to change ships there, which was a departure from the usual arrangement of another voyage to send all the visiting delegations back to their countries.[189] The offer of transport services for visiting missions was stopped from then on.[189] The size of a delegation was restricted and the frequency of tributary visits from the same delegation was reduced.[189] The Maritime Trade Supervisorate, which was the office responsible for the reception of overseas visitors, was reduced in size.[189] Lastly, the civil officials took measures to confine the fiscal power of the eunuchs.[189] They took over the imperial treasuries from the eunuchs, deprived direct access to governmental revenue from the eunuchs, and requested in the name of the emperor[note 17] that the eunuchs hand over the inventories of overseas products to the government.[189]
The Ming treasure voyages were diplomatic, militaristic, and commercial in nature.[37][191] They were conducted to establish imperial control over the maritime trade,[7][166] to bring the maritime trade into the tributary system,[192] and to compel foreign countries to comply with the tributary system.[166][192][193] The diplomatic aspect comprised the announcement of the Yongle Emperor's accession to the throne, the establishment of hegemony over the foreign countries, and safe passage to foreign envoys who came bearing tribute.[194] The emperor may have sought to legitimize his reign by compelling foreign countries to recognize their tributary status, as he came to rule the Chinese empire by usurping the Ming throne.[195][196][197]
The Chinese did not seek territorial control, as they were primarily motivated by the political and economic control across space entailing domination over a vast network with its ports and shipping lanes.[198] Finlay (2008) underscores the goal of controlling maritime commerce in which the voyages are regarded as an attempt to reconcile China's need for maritime commerce with the government's suppression of the private aspects of maritime commerce, representing "a deployment of state power to bring into line the reality of seaborne commerce with an expansive conception of Chinese hegemony."[167] Neither the pursuit for exclusive access to nor the forceful integration of other countries' wealth was a feature of the expeditions.[199][200] China's economy did not necessitate or was dependent on the systematic exploitation of foreign countries and their resources for its own capital accumulation.[200] The trading centers along the maritime routes were kept open to other foreigners and remained unoccupied in a joint effort to further promote international trade.[201]
The voyages changed the organization of the maritime network, utilizing and creating nodes and conduits in its wake, which restructured international and cross-cultural relationships and exchanges.[202] It was especially impactful as no other polity had exerted naval dominance over all sectors of the Indian Ocean prior to these voyages.[203] Chen (2019) states that the establishment of institutionalized tributary relations for mutual benefit, where foreign polities voluntarily cooperated in accordance to their own interests, was the fundamental way for the Chinese to attain their objectives.[204] This institutionalization was marked by, for example, the establishment of official depots (官廠 guanchang) as overseas bases, which included local officials and merchants in its management and activities.[205] Large-scale trade happened here between the Chinese and local polities including ordinary people, which helped the development of these polities into important hubs for maritime travel and trade.[206] Ming China promoted alternative nodes as a strategy to establish control over the maritime network.[207] For instance, Chinese involvement was a crucial factor for ports such as Malacca (in Southeast Asia), Cochin (on the Malabar Coast), and Malindi (on the Swahili Coast) to grow as key contenders to other important and established ports.[note 18][208] The maritime network including its centers and institutions, promoted during the voyages, persisted and laid a foundation for later maritime travel and trade in the region.[209] Through the voyages, Ming China intervened with the local affairs of foreign states and asserted itself in foreign lands.[202] The Chinese installed or supported friendly local regimes, captured or executed rivals of local authorities, and threatened hostile local rulers into compliance.[210] The appearance of the Chinese treasure fleet generated and intensified competition among contending polities and rivals, who sought an alliance with the Ming.[210]
The tributary relations promoted during the voyages manifested a trend toward cross-regional interconnections and early globalization in Asia and Africa.[211] The voyages brought about the Western Ocean's regional integration and the increase in international circulation of people, ideas, and goods.[202] It provided a platform for cosmopolitan discourses, which took place in locations such as the ships of the Chinese treasure fleet, the Chinese capitals Nanjing and Beijing, and the banquet receptions organized by the Ming court for foreign representatives.[202] People from different countries congregated, interacted, and traveled together as the fleet sailed from and to China.[202] For the first time in its history, as Sen (2016) emphasizes, the maritime region from China to Africa was under the dominance of a single imperial power, which allowed for the creation of a cosmopolitan space.[212]
Another purpose of the Chinese expeditions was the maintenance of political and ideological control across the region.[199] In this regard, other countries needed to acknowledge that China was the hegemonic power in the region, not cause trouble with neighboring people, and accept the tributary system out of their own self-interest.[199] Foreign rulers were compelled to acknowledge the inherent moral and cultural superiority of China, an obligation expressed by paying homage and presenting tribute before the Ming court.[213] The Chinese intended to civilize the many foreign peoples by bringing them into formal submission within Ming China's greater world order.[213] The cultural aspect of the voyages appears in the Liujiagang inscription, stating that "those among the foreigners who were resisting the transforming influence (genghua) of Chinese culture and were disrespectful, we captured alive, and brigands who indulged in violence and plunder, we ex-terminated. Consequently the sea-route was purified and tranquillised and the natives were enabled quietly to pursue their avocations."[214]
Diplomatic relationships were based on a mutually beneficial maritime commerce and a visible presence of a Chinese militaristic naval force in foreign waters.[195] Firstly, the Chinese naval superiority was a crucial factor in this interaction, namely because it was inadvisable to risk punitive action from the Chinese fleet.[198] The fleet was, as Mills (1970) characterizes, "an instrument of aggression and political dominance."[7] It brought forth the manifestation of China's power and wealth to awe foreign lands under Chinese hegemony.[215][216] This was actualized by showing the Ming flag and establishing a military presence along the maritime trade routes.[217] Secondly, the worthwhile and profitable nature of the Chinese maritime enterprise for foreign countries served as a persuading factor to comply.[195] Even though the Chinese fleet demonstrated military might through their large warships and military forces, the Chinese often sent smaller squadrons comprising a few ships to foreign polities to pursue tributary relations through primarily trade opportunities instead.[218]
A theory, considered very unlikely, suggests the voyages were initiated to search for the dethroned Jianwen Emperor.[20][37][219] This search is mentioned as a reason for the voyages in a later work, the Mingshi.[37][220] The stated intent of the Yongle Emperor to find the deposed Jianwen Emperor, according to Wang (1998), may have served no more than a public justification for the voyages in the face of prohibitive policies for military actions overseas from the Hongwu reign.[195] Another unlikely theory is that the voyages were a response to the Timurid state under the reign of Tamerlane, another power across Asia and an enemy of Ming China.[219] Ming China was left unchallenged by the Timurid after Tamerlane's death in 1405, because the new Timurid ruler Shahrukh (r. 1405–1447) normalized diplomatic relations with China and was preoccupied with holding his state together.[219] Both theories are not accepted as they lack evidential support in contemporary historical sources.[219]
In the Ming court, the civil officials were the faction who opposed the treasure voyages.[180][196][221] They condemned the expeditions as extravagant and wasteful,[221][222] but the Yongle Emperor was unconcerned about the costs of the voyages and was determined to undertake them.[223] In contrast, the eunuch establishment stood at the head of the treasure fleet and the expeditions.[168][177][196][221] Traditionally, civil officials were the political opponents to the eunuch faction[168][196][221] and to the military who crewed the fleet.[196] This political and institutional disadvantage within the state system contributed to the inherent opposition of these bureaucrats against the voyages.[196][221][224] Moreover, civil officials criticized the state expenses brought by the fleet's construction, but the emperor was set on realizing its formation.[6] Construction projects were in fact usually the domain of the eunuchs.[17] Eunuchs were assigned to supervise the fleet's construction, while the military was assigned to carry it out.[6] On cultural grounds, the civil officials were hostile to the voyages, because the trade and acquisition of strange foreign goods conflicted with their Confucian ideologies.[221][222][225][226] The undertaking of these expeditions only remained possible as long as the eunuchs maintained imperial favor.[177][227]
The Hongwu Emperor initiated the haijin, a private maritime trade proscription, in 1371.[228] He was wary of the political and social consequences that maritime commerce could bring,[229][230] so he sought to restrain it by outlawing private maritime trade.[231][232] This policy continued well into the Yongle reign.[231][232][233] In addition, the Yongle Emperor aimed at consolidating imperial control over maritime commerce, stopping the coastal criminality and disorder, providing employment for mariners and entrepreneurs, exporting Chinese products to foreign markets, importing desired goods for Chinese consumers, extending the tributary system, and displaying imperial majesty to the seas.[234] He limitedly reformed the tributary system and encouraged the opening up of state-run foreign trade, which resulted in the restoration of maritime supervisorates in Guangzhou, Quanzhou, and Ningbo, the expansion of tributary relations through measures such as tax exemptions for private trade activities by foreign envoys, and the treasure voyages led by Zheng He.[235] The voyages functioned as trade commissions in the government's attempts to regulate maritime commerce by establishing an imperial monopoly over it and incorporating it into the tributary system.[167] Dreyer (2007) states that there seems to have been an idea about a foreign policy comprising an extended foreign trade supported by a heavy military naval presence and a cultivation of shared interests with local allies.[215]
The Yongle Emperor's interest in the voyages was the highest during the period spanning the first three voyages, but he became more occupied with his military campaigns against the Mongols after establishing the capital at Beijing.[236] By the fourth voyage, he showed interest in the expansion of trade and diplomatic activity to West Asia.[237] Therefore, the Chinese sought and employed Persian or Arabic language interpreters, such as Ma Huan (馬歡) and Guo Chongli (郭崇礼), to accompany the fleet.[237] After the capital was transferred from Nanjing to Beijing, the south and the seas were given less and less attention from emperors and officials alike.[88] The Hongxi Emperor wished to revert his father's relocation of the capital, but he died before he could do so.[131][238] The Xuande Emperor, who succeeded him, remained in Beijing.[239] Dreyer (2007) remarks that the prospects for the voyages would have been better if the capital was relocated back to Nanjing, because the court would have been near the locations where the voyages started and the Longjiang shipyards where most of the ships were built.[175]
The Hongxi Emperor ordered the cessation of the voyages on 7 September 1424, the day of his accession to the throne.[125] He was personally against the maritime entreprise.[108] He had good relations with senior civil officials, as he had worked well with them when he served as regent while his father was away on his military campaigns against the Mongols or for the transformation of Beijing.[240] He would often take the side of the officials when they mounted their opposition against his father's initiatives.[240] In particular, Minister of Finance Xia Yuanji (夏原吉) was a vocal opponent against the voyages.[125][241][242] In contrast, the Xuande Emperor went against the general court opinion when he ordered the seventh voyage.[138] He relied on eunuchs during his reign.[132]
The Chinese treasure fleet comprised an array of ships, each of which fulfilled specialized functions.[32][243] The treasure ships were the largest vessels in the fleet and functioned, in the words of Finlay (2008), as "an emporium offering a wealth of products".[244] They were each crewed by about 500 men according to Mills (1970)[245] or at least 600 men according to Finlay (1992).[246] Ma Huan mentions that their traders used small ships (小船 xiaochuan) to go ashore, presumably, according to Church (2005), while the larger ships remained anchored in the harbor.[247] Gong Zhen mentions ships specifically designated to carry water.[248]
There were seven Grand Directors (taijian) and ten Junior Directors (shaojian).[249] The Grand Directors, such as Zheng He, served as ambassadors and commanders of the fleet, while the Junior Directors were their highest ranked assistants.[249] In total, there were 70 eunuchs, including the aforementioned, at the head of the fleet.[249] This was followed by two brigadiers (du zhihuishi), 93 captains (zhihuishi), 104 lieutenants (qianhu), and 103 sub-lieutenants (bohu).[note 19][249][250] There were guard judges (wei zhenfu) and battalion judges (suo zhenfu), who adjudicated military offenses and were expected to replace lieutenants (qianhu) or sub-lieutenants (bohu) when necessary.[249] Furthermore, there were 180 medical personnel, a bureau director from the Ministry of Finance,[note 20] two secretaries, two protocol officers from the Court of State Ceremonial,[note 21] an astrological officer, and four astrologers.[250][251] The remaining personnel, the rank and file, included petty officers (qixiao or quanxiao), brave corps (yongshi), power corps (lishi),[note 22] military soldiers (referred as guanjun, 'official soldiers', or qijun, 'flag soldiers'), supernumeraries (yuding), boatsman (minshao), buyers (maiban), and clerks (shushou).[251][252] Religious leaders from different faiths such as Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam also served in the fleet.[19]
The Liujiagang inscription records Zheng He (鄭和) and Wang Jinghong (王景弘) as the principal envoys as well as Zhu Liang (朱良), Zhou Man (周滿), Hong Bao (洪保), Yang Zhen (楊真), and Zhang Da (張達) as deputy envoys.[253] The Changle inscription repeats this, but adds Li Xing (李興) and Wu Zhong (吳忠) as deputy envoys.[253] All envoys are recorded to have carried the rank of Grand Director in both inscriptions, except Zhang Da who was reported with the rank of Senior Assistant Director in the Liujiagang inscription and the rank of Grand Director in the Changle inscription.[253] Additionally, the Changle inscription mentions Zhu Zhen (朱真) and Wang Heng (王衡) as the brigadiers.[21][253] These people and unnamed "others" are mentioned on the respective inscriptions as those who have composed it.[253] The Changle inscription also mentions that the Daoist priest Yang Yichu (楊一初) begged to erect its respective stele.[253]
Zhu Yunming's Xia Xiyang records the following personnel: officers and petty officers (guanxiao), soldiers (qijun), mess leaders (huozhang), helmsman (tuogong), anchormen (bandingshou), interpreters (tongshi), business managers (banshi), accountants (susuanshi), doctors (yishi), anchor mechanics (tiemiao), caulkers (munian), sailmakers (dacai), sailors (shuishou), and boatmen (minshaoren).[251][252]
For the first Ming treasure voyage, the fleet had a personnel of 27,800[40] or 27,870[35][42] men. The fleet comprised 317 ships,[18][35][42] which included 62 treasure ships.[35][40] It is possible that the fleet had 63 treasure ships.[48] The Mingshi states that the fleet had 62 treasure ships and a crew of 27,800 for the first voyage.[48] Tan Qian's Guoque records 63 treasure ships and a crew of 27,870 for the first voyage.[48] The Zuiweilu records a personnel of 37,000, but this is probably an error.[48] The Taizong Shilu records two imperial orders for ship construction to the Nanjing's capital guards: one for 200 ships (海運船 haiyunchuan) on 4 September 1403 and one for 50 ships (海船 haichuan) on 1 March 1404.[254] The text did not record the purpose for which these 250 ships were constructed.[255] Yan Congjian's Shuyu Zhouzilu conflated this to one imperial order for the construction of 250 ships specifically for the voyages to the Western Ocean.[48] The Taizong Shilu also records a 2 March 1404 imperial order for Fujian to construct five ships (haichuan) to be used in the voyages to the Western Ocean.[48] These 255 ships plus the 62 treasure ships add up to 317 ships for the first voyage.[note 23][48]
For the second voyage, it is thought that the fleet comprised 249 ships.[56][231] On 5 October 1407, as the Taizong Shilu records, Wang Hao was ordered to supervise the conversion of 249 ships in preparation for embassies to the countries at the Western Ocean.[256] This was close to the date when the second voyage was ordered, thus the fleet likely comprised these 249 ships for the second voyage.[255] The number of treasure ships[58] or personnel[56][58] is not known.
For the third voyage, Fei Xin's Xingcha Shenglan records that the fleet had 48 haibo (海舶) and a crew of over 27,000.[257] Dreyer (2007) states that Fei was probably referring to the treasure ships as haibo.[258] Yan's Shuyu Zhouzilu and Lu Rong's Shuyuan Zaji use the term "treasure ship" instead when they mention the 48 ships for this voyage.[257] Coincidentally, the Taizong Shilu records the imperial order issued on 14 February 1408 for the construction of 48 treasure ships to the Ministry of Works at Nanjing; these were possibly the 48 treasure ships for the third voyage.[257] Dreyer (2007) states that the fleet likely had an undisclosed array of support ships in addition to the 48 treasure ships.[257]
Ma's Yingya Shenglan records 63 treasure ships for the fourth voyage.[259] Dreyer (2007) says that these were probably accompanied by support ships.[259] The fleet was crewed by 28,560[84][88] or 27,670 men.[91] Fei records a personnel of 27,670 for this voyage, but another source records 28,560.[259]
There is no record for the number of ships or personnel for the fifth voyage.[98][259]
On 2 October 1419, an order was issued for the construction of 41 treasure ships from an undisclosed shipbuilder.[260] Most scholars conclude that these were likely used for the sixth voyage,[259] but many other treasure ships had already been constructed or were in construction by that time.[261] There is no specific figure for the ships or personnel of the sixth voyage.[259] The fleet probably made use of several dozen of the treasure ships each accompanied by half a dozen support vessels.[113]
For the seventh voyage, the Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions speak of over a hundred large ships (巨舶 jubo).[259] Dreyer (2007) suggests that these ships probably included most of the remaining treasure ships, which were likely accompanied by support ships.[259] The Xia Xiyang records the names of several ships—Qinghe (清和; 'pure harmony'), Huikang (惠康; 'kind repose'), Changning (長寧; 'lasting tranquility'), Anji (安濟; 'peaceful crossing'), and Qingyuan (清遠; 'pure distance')—and notes that there were also ships designated by a series number.[147] The fleet had 27,550 men as personnel for the voyage.[140][259]
Before the Ming treasure voyages, there was turmoil around the seas near the Chinese coast and distant Southeast Asian maritime regions, characterized by piracy, banditry, slave trade, and other illicit activities.[262] The Chinese treasure fleet had a large number of warships to protect their precious cargo and to secure the maritime routes.[262] They established a substantial Chinese military presence around the South China Sea and trading cities in southern India.[60] The early stages of the voyages were especially characterized by highly militaristic objectives, as the Chinese stabilized the sea passages from hostile entities as well as strengthened their own position and maintained their status in the region.[263] Even though Zheng He sailed through the oceans with a military force larger and stronger than any local power, there is no written evidence in historical sources that there was any attempt that they forcibly tried to control the maritime trade in the regions of the South China Sea and Indian Ocean.[71] Dreyer (2007) adds that the large Chinese fleet would still have been a "terrifying apparition" when it came within visible reach along the coastlines of foreign nations, bringing any state into submission by the sole sight of it alone.[264] From the fourth voyage onwards, the fleet ventured further than their usual end-destination of Calicut to lands beyond where there would be less direct hostilities.[31]
The fleet engaged and defeated Chen Zuyi's pirate fleet in Palembang, Alakeshvara's forces in Ceylon, and Sekandar's forces in Semudera, bringing security and stability of the maritime routes via Chinese control.[265] These actors were viewed as hostile threats in their regions and the battles served as a reminder of the tremendous power of Ming China to the countries along the maritime routes.[217] The Strait of Malacca, specifically, constituted a strategically important link into the Indian Ocean, so control over this region was essential for the Chinese to establish themselves as the supreme power in maritime Asia and to develop trade relations with polities throughout the Indian Ocean.[266] Here, the fleet fought battles against pirates at Palembang, Aru (in northern Semudera), and Kapas (near present-day Klang) to consolidate the region.[267]
In Malacca, the Chinese actively sought to develop a commercial hub and a base of operation for the voyages into the Indian Ocean.[207] Malacca had been a relatively insignificant region, not even qualifying as a polity prior to the voyages according to both Ma Huan and Fei Xin, and was a vassal region of Siam.[207] In 1405, the Ming court dispatched Zheng with a stone tablet enfeoffing the Western Mountain of Malacca and an imperial order elevating the status of the port to a country.[207] The Chinese also established a government depot (官廠) as a fortified cantonment for their soldiers.[207] It served as a storage facility as the fleet traveled and assembled from other destinations within the maritime region.[201] Ma reports that Siam did not dare to invade Malacca thereafter.[207] The rulers of Malacca, such as King Paramesvara in 1411, would pay tribute to the Chinese emperor in person.[207] In 1431, when a Malaccan representative complained that Siam was obstructing tribute missions to the Ming court, the Xuande Emperor dispatched Zheng carrying a threatening message for the Siamese king saying "You, king should respect my orders, develop good relations with your neighbours, examine and instruct your subordinates and not act recklessly or aggressively."[207]
On the Malabar coast, Calicut and Cochin were in an intense rivalry, so the Ming decided to intervene by granting special status to Cochin and its ruler Keyili (可亦里).[268] For the fifth voyage, Zheng was instructed to confer a seal upon Keyili of Cochin and enfeoff a mountain in his kingdom as the Zhenguo Zhi Shan (鎮國之山; 'Mountain Which Protects the Country').[268] He delivered a stone tablet, inscribed with a proclamation composed by the Yongle Emperor, to Cochin.[268] As long as Cochin remained under the protection of Ming China, the Zamorin of Calicut could not invade Cochin and a military conflict was averted.[268] Consequently, the cessation of the voyages was followed by the invasion of Cochin by the Zamorin of Calicut.[268]
The commodities that the Chinese treasure fleet carried included three major categories: gifts to be bestowed on rulers, items for exchange of goods or payment of goods with fixed prices at low rates (e.g., gold, silver, copper coins, and paper money), and items which China held a monopoly over (e.g., musks, ceramics, and silks).[269] It was said that there were sometimes so many Chinese goods unloaded into an Indian port that it could take months to price everything.[13][270] In turn, Zheng He returned to China with many kinds of tribute goods, such as silver, spices, sandalwood, precious stones, ivory, ebony, camphor, tin, deer hides, coral, kingfisher feathers, tortoise shells, gums and resin, rhinoceros horn, sapanwood and safflower (for dyes and drugs), Indian cotton cloth, and ambergris (for perfume).[244] The ships even brought back exotic animals, such as ostriches, elephants, and giraffes.[244] The imports from the Ming treasure voyages provided large quantities of economic goods that fueled China's own industries.[270] For example, there was so much cobalt oxide from Persia that the porcelain industry at Jingdezhen had a plentiful supply for decades after the voyages.[244] The fleet also returned with such a large amount of black pepper that the once-costly luxury became a common commodity in Chinese society.[244][271] Meanwhile, large-scale exports during the voyages prompted the development of Chinese industries and opened up their overseas markets.[272]
The voyages resulted in a flourishing Ming economy[273] and stimulated the lucrative maritime commerce.[274][275] The expeditions developed into a maritime trade enterprise where the Chinese began trading and supplying the commodities that were non-Chinese in origin.[269] This highlighted the commercial character of the voyages in which the Chinese expanded upon the already large profits from their trade.[269] The impact of the expeditions on commerce was on multiple levels: it established imperial control over local private commercial networks, expanded tributary relations and thereby brought commerce under state supervision, established court-supervised transactions at foreign ports and thereby generate substantial revenue for both parties, and increased production and circulation of commodities across the region.[276] The voyages induced a sudden supply shock in the Eurasian market, where the Chinese maritime exploits in Asia led to disruptions of imports to Europe with sudden price spikes in the early 15th century.[277]
Imperial proclamations were issued to foreign kings, meaning that they could either submit and be bestowed with rewards or refuse and be pacified under the threat of an overwhelming military force.[158][278] Foreign kings had to reaffirm their recognition of the Chinese emperor's superior status by presenting tribute.[279] Those rulers who submitted received political protection and material rewards.[245][280] Many countries were enrolled as tributaries.[177] The fleet conducted the transport of the many foreign envoys to China and back, but some envoys traveled independently.[281]
The Chinese treasure fleet sailed the equatorial and subtropical waters of the South China Sea and Indian Ocean, where they were dependent on the circumstances of the annual cycle of monsoon winds.[25][26] Therefore, the fleet's navigators precisely organized the treasure voyages under careful considerations of the periodical patterns of the tropical and subtropical monsoon.[26] For the southward route from Changle in China to Surabaya in Java, the fleet followed the northeast wind, crossed the Equator (where the northeast wind changes into the northwest wind due to the Coriolis force), and then followed the northwest wind.[282] At Java, the fleet waited for the arrival of the tropical southeast wind in the Southern Hemisphere and used it to sail toward Sumatra.[282] At Sumatra, the fleet was halted due to the change of the southeast wind into a strong southwest wind at a northern latitude close to the equator and waited until next winter for the northeast wind.[282] For the northwestward route toward Calicut and Hormuz, the Chinese took advantage of the northeastern wind.[282] The return journey was set during the late summer and early autumn because favorable monsoon winds were present at that time.[283] The fleet left Hormuz before the southwestern monsoon arrived over the Indian Ocean.[282] They made use of the northern wind for the southward journey from Hormuz to Calicut.[282] For the eastward journey from Sumatra, the fleet used the newly arrived southwestern monsoon over the eastern parts of the Indian Ocean.[282] After the fleet passed through the Strait of Malacca, the fleet caught up with the southwest wind over the South China Sea to sail back to China.[282] As maritime conditions were limited by the monsoon winds, squadrons were detached from the main fleet to diverge to specific destinations.[282] The first point of divergence was Sumatra, from where a squadron would travel to Bengal.[282] The second point of divergence was Calicut, from where ships sailed to Hormuz as well as other destinations at the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa.[282] Malacca was the rendezvous point where the squadrons would reassemble for the final leg of the return journey.[282]
During all the voyages, the fleet departed from Sumatra to sail westward across the Indian Ocean.[284] Northern Sumatra was an important region for the fleet's anchorage and assembly before they proceeded through the Indian Ocean to Ceylon and southern India.[90] Its location was more important than its wealth or products to the fleet.[144] Ma Huan wrote that Semudera, located in northern Sumatra, was the main route to the Western Ocean[285] and characterized it as the most important port of assembly for the Western Ocean.[90] The journey from Sumatra to Ceylon took about two to four weeks without seeing land.[24] The first part of Ceylon that became visible after departure from Sumatra was Namanakuli (or Parrot's Beak Mountain), the easternmost mountain (6680 ft in elevation and 45 miles away from the coast).[284] Two or three days after its sighting, the fleet adjusted their course to sail south of Dondra Head at Ceylon.[284] After a considerable long time at sea since leaving Sumatra, the fleet arrived at a port in Ceylon, usually at Beruwala and sometimes at Galle.[286] The Chinese preferred Beruwala over Galle, but they have made port at both locations.[67] Ma characterized Beruwala as "the wharf of the country of Ceylon."[67]
Calicut was a main destination throughout the voyages and also served as a place of transit to destinations further west during the later voyages.[287] Ming China had cordial relations with Calicut, which was valuable as they tried to extend the tributary system to the states around the Indian Ocean.[215] Ma described Calicut as the "great country of the Western Ocean" and had a positive response to the Calicut authorities' regulation of trade and attention to weights and measurements.[47][90] Fei Xin described Calicut as the "great harbor" of the Western Ocean countries.[146]
During the Ming treasure voyages, the Chinese treasure fleet acquired and collected a large amount of navigational data.[288] These were specifically recorded by the astrological officer and his four astrologers.[289] The navigational data were processed into different types of charts by a cartographic office,[288][289] comprising an astrological officer, four astrologers, and their clerks.[289] It provided the expeditionary commanders with the necessary navigational charts for their voyages.[288] Many copies of the expeditionary charts were housed in the Ministry of War.[288] Additional navigational data were probably also supplied by local maritime pilots, Arab records, Indian records, and other Chinese records.[289]
The fleet's navigators and pilots were known as huozhang (火長) or, in the case they were foreigners, as fanhuozhang (番火長).[290] They used instruments such as compasses.[290] The fanhuozhang and the huozhang as well as others were recorded in the Ming Shilu, in connection to awards given to the crew for participation in the battles at Palembang and Ceylon as well as a hostile encounter between returning ships led by the eunuch Zhang Qian (張謙) and Japanese pirates—who were inflicted a heavy defeat—near Jinxiang in Zhejiang.[290]
The Mao Kun map depicts the routes taken by the fleet during the voyages.[291][292] It is collected in the Wubei Zhi, compiled by Mao Yuanyi.[293] It portrays various geographic locations from Nanjing to Hormuz as well as the East African coast, with routes illustrated by dotted lines.[293] Mills (1954) dates the map to about 1422, as he believes that it compiles the navigational data from the expedition that took place between 1421 and 1422.[292] The directions are expressed by compass points and distances in watches, with references to navigational techniques (such as depth sounding to avoid shallow waters) and astronomy (particularly along the north–south route of Africa where the latitude is determined by the height of constellations relative to the horizon).[293] The Mao Kun map is appended by four stellar diagrams that were used to determine the position of the ship in relation to the stars and constellations on specific sections of the maritime route.[293]
The power of the goddess, having indeed been manifested in previous times, has been abundantly revealed in the present generation. In the midst of the rushing waters it happened that, when there was a hurricane, suddenly a divine lantern was seen shining at the masthead, and as soon as that miraculous light appeared the danger was appeased, so that even in the peril of capsizing one felt reassured and that there was no cause for fear.
— Zheng He and his associates about witnessing Tianfei's divine lantern, which represented the natural phenomena Saint Elmo's fire[136]
The faith of the Chinese treasure fleet's crew was centered around Tianfei, the "Heavenly Princess" who was the goddess of sailors and seafarers.[294] The Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions honored and commemorated this goddess.[295] They make reference to the crew witnessing Saint Elmo's fire during dangerous storms and interpreting it as a sign of divine protection by Tianfei.[296] Zheng He and his associates established the inscriptions at the temples of Tianfei at Liujiagang on 14 March 1431 and Changle between 5 December 1431 and 3 January 1432.[297] The inscriptions suggest that Zheng's life was mostly defined by the treasure voyages and that his devotion to Tianfei was the dominant faith that he adhered to.[298] They are considered the epitaphs of the voyages.[299]
In Galle, Ceylon, Zheng set up a trilingual inscription dated 15 February 1409.[note 24][66][300] The inscription is in three languages, in which the Chinese section praised the Buddha, the Tamil section praised the local god Tenavarai Nayanar (an incarnation of Vishnu), and the Persian section praised Allah.[300] Each section contains a similar list of offerings, such as 1,000 pieces of gold, 5,000 pieces of silver, 100 rolls of silk, 2,500 catties of perfumed oil, and a variety of bronze ornaments.[67][301] As shown by this inscription, the Chinese paid their respect to the three dominant religions in Ceylon.[294][300][302]
On 20 September 1414, Bengali envoys presented a giraffe as tribute in the name of King Saif Al-Din Hamzah Shah of Bengal (r. 1410–1412) to the Yongle Emperor of Ming China.[303] The giraffe was identified as the qilin, but the emperor did not want his officials to send laudatory memorials on behalf of its auspicious appearance during his reign and, as suggested by Church (2004), probably did not think it was a qilin.[304]
Confucianism shaped how the Chinese approached the outside world during the voyages.[305] The Chinese did not embark on the Confucianization of the places that they visited, in contrast to the Europeans who engaged in Christianization, due to the nature of their belief system.[305] In the Confucian polytheistic but this-worldly worldview, the moral efficacy of diverse religiosities are recognized, since all people have access to heavenly principles by virtue of their reason, which is expressed by religious pluralism.[305] Furthermore, Confucians believe that civilizations must cultivate their distinctive communitarian ethos, which would lead to a harmonious world.[305] They are aware that Confucian society has spatial limitations (that is, the familial bonds of society become weaker further away from the center) and see human nature as innately good (so humanity possess an inherent moral potential), which underpins the affirmation of people's capacity to abide by heavenly principles.[305] Lastly, in the Confucian cyclical tradition, history is seen as an open-ended cycle with alternating periods of order and disorder (distinct from linear traditions characterized by an end of the world), which instills a dispassionate frame of mind.[305]
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There are several extant contemporary accounts, such as Ma Huan's Yingya Shenglan [瀛涯勝覽], Fei Xin's Xingcha Shenglan [星槎勝覽], and Gong Zhen's Xiyang Fanguo Zhi [西洋番國志].[306][307][308][309][310] These three works are important first-hand accounts, as their authors personally took part in the expeditions.[309] Ma served as an interpreter on the fourth, sixth, and seventh treasure voyage.[154][311] He collaborated with Guo Chongli, who participated in three of the voyages, on his work.[312] Fei served as a soldier on the third, fifth, and seventh voyage.[311][313] Gong served as Zheng He's private secretary on the seventh voyage.[311][314] These three sources provide observations on the political, economic, social, cultural, and religious conditions of the lands visited throughout the voyages.[315] Furthermore, the Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions, which were engraved on stone, are valuable records composed by Zheng and his associates.[316] The stele bearing the Liujiagang inscription was lost, but the text was reproduced in Qian Gu's Wudu Wencui Xuji [吴都文粹续集] (Ming dynasty).[317]
The Ming Shilu [明實錄] provides a lot of the information relating to the voyages,[318][315] particularly the exchange of ambassadors.[315] The work is divided into individual sections about the reigns of Ming emperors.[318] Zheng lived through the reigns of five Ming emperors,[318] but he directly served three emperors.[170] He is mentioned in the Taizong Shilu of the Yongle reign, the Renzong Shilu of the Hongxi reign, and the Xuanzong Shilu of the Xuande reign.[318] The Taizong Shilu combined the second and third voyages into one expedition.[319][320] This was reproduced by the Mingshi.[320][321] The conflation of these two voyages into one voyage caused Zheng's Palembang journey from 1424 to 1425[note 25] to be wrongly construed as the sixth voyage to fulfill the count of seven voyages.[127][319][320] However, the Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions make a clear distinction between the second and third voyage, as they correctly date the second voyage from 1407 to 1409 and the third voyage from 1409 to 1411.[319][322][323]
A number of later works contain accounts about the voyages. These include the Mingshi [明史] (1739),[324] Huang Xingzeng's Xiyang Chaogong Dianlu [西洋朝貢典錄] (1520),[324] Zheng Xiao's Wuxuebian [吾學編] (ca. 1522),[324] Lu Rong's Shuyuan Zaji [菽園雜記; 'Bean Garden Miscellany'] (1475),[325] Yan Congjian's Shuyu Zhouzilu [殊域周咨錄; 'Record of Despatches Concerning the Different Countries'] (1520),[325] and Gu Qiyuan's Kezuo Zhuiyu [客座贅語; 'Boring Talks for My Guests'] (ca. 1628).[325] Zhu Yunming's Qianwen Ji ['A Record of Things Once Heard'] (ca. 1526) contains his Xia Xiyang [下西洋; 'Down the Western Ocean'], which provides a detailed itinerary of the seventh voyage.[298][326] Mao Yuanyi's Wubei Zhi [武備志] (1628) preserves the Mao Kun map [茅坤圖], which is largely based on material from the voyages.[325] Li Zhaoxiang's Longjiang Chuanchang Zhi [龍江船廠志; 'Record of the Dragon River Shipyard'] (preface 1553) states that the plans for the treasure ships had disappeared from the shipyard.[327]
Luo Maodeng's Sanbao Taijian Xiyang Ji Tongsu Yanyi [三寶太監西洋記通俗演義] (1597) is a novel about the exploits of Zheng and his fleet.[311][328][329] In the preface, Luo states that Chinese maritime power was essential to maintain world order.[330] In Luo's work, Zheng sailed the oceans in search of a sacred imperial seal to restore harmony in the Middle Kingdom.[328] Finlay (1992) remarks that the story gives the suggestion that, as Zheng never actually finds this seal, the world order cannot be restored by any other means than military force.[331] Luo's novel contains a description of different classes of ships with their sizes: the 36 nine-masted treasure ships (baochuan) were 44.4 by 18 zhang, the 700 eight-masted horse ships (machuan) were 37 by 15 zhang, the 240 seven-masted grain ships or supply ships (liangchuan) were 28 by 12 zhang, the 300 six-masted billet ships or troop transports (zuochuan) were 24 by 9.4 zhang, and the 180 five-masted combat ships or warships proper (zhanchuan) were 18 by 6.8 zhang.[332] Dreyer (2007) argues that this work holds no evidential value as a historical source, but notes that Duyvendak (1953) thinks that it may be based on some truth.[327]
The Kezuo Zhuiyu and the Shuyu Zhouzilu describe the following circumstances of what happened to the official archives about the expeditions.[333] During the reign of the Chenghua Emperor (r. 1465–1487), an order was issued to retrieve the documents concerning the expeditions to the Western Ocean from the Ministry of War archives.[333][334] However, the official Liu Daxia (劉大夏) had hidden and burned the documents.[333][334] He dismissed the accounts as "deceitful exaggerations of bizarre things far removed from the testimony of people's ears and eyes."[333][334][315]
The Shuyu Zhouzilu adds the following to the story.[333] The Minister of War Xiang Zhong (項忠; in office 1474–1477) sent a clerk to retrieve the documents, but the clerk could not find them after several days of searching.[333][334] Liu eventually confessed and justified his actions to Xiang by stating that "the expeditions of Sanbao to the Western Ocean wasted tens of myriads of money and grain, and moreover the people who met their deaths [on these expeditions] may be counted by the myriads. Although he returned with wonderful things, what benefit was it to the state? This was merely an action of bad government of which ministers should severely disapprove. Even if the old archives were still preserved they should be destroyed in order to suppress [a repetition of these things] at the root."[333][334] Xiang Zhong was recorded to have been impressed by this explanation.[333][334]
The Mingshi, the Xuanzong Shilu, and the Mingshi Jishi Benmo [明史紀事本末] attribute the reason for the suppression and destruction of the archived records to prevent eunuch Wang Zhi (汪直) from consulting it for his invasion of Vietnam.[335] Dreyer (2007) notes that Liu could not have had access to the records and doubts his alleged involvement.[334] Duyvendak (1939) states that the Ministry of War officials were not influential enough to stop the retrieval of the documents and speculates that Liu may have destroyed them with the Minister of War's approval.[336] Schottenhammer (2021) states that it is unclear whether Liu really hid and burned the documents, but she surmises that, as Lin (2015) suggests, the documents were possibly destroyed in the chaos when Beijing was captured by the rebel Li Zicheng and his army in the 17th century.[337]
Suryadinata (2005) remarks that Southeast Asian sources also provide information about the voyages, but that their reliability should be scrutinized as these local histories can be intertwined with legends but still remain relevant in the collective memories of the people concerned.[338] This includes the Malay Annals of Semarang and Cerbon, a text containing accounts that often lack in historicity, which records several interactions between local Muslim communities and the Chinese.[339] As such, he highlights the difficulties of doing research about the role of the Chinese voyages in the Islamization of Java and Malacca, because these activities are not mentioned in the Chinese chronicles and local accounts may contain more legend than history.[340]
Arabic sources provide insight on the dates of the fleet's arrival and course of events at various locations in the Arabic region, which supplements the general time frames provided in Chinese sources.[341] It also offers insight about the commodity exchange, such as which commodities were traded and what value was placed on Chinese trade goods or gifts.[342] The Tarih al-Yaman fi d-daulati r-Rasuliya (ca. 1440) is an example of an Arabic text that adds to the insight about the dates and commodity exchange.[343] The Qurrat al-Uyun fi Akhbar al-Yaman al-Maimun (1461–1537) describes an encounter between Rasulid Sultan al-Nasir Ahmad (r. 1400–1424) and Chinese envoys, providing an example of a ruler who willingly accedes to the requested protocol of the tributary relationship in the unique perspective of a non-Chinese party.[344] The Kitab as-Suluk li-ma rifat duwal al-muluk (1436–1442), a text from Mamluk Egypt, describes the contacts between the Chinese and the Mamluk rulers, which adds to the dating and understanding of the expedition to Mecca during the seventh voyage.[343]
It is now about 80 years since there arrived in this city of Chalicut certain vessels of white Christians, who wore their hair long like Germans, and had no beards except around the mouth, such as are worn at Constantinople by cavaliers and courtiers. They landed, wearing a cuirass, helmet, and vizor, and carrying a certain weapon [sword] attached to a spear. Their vessels are armed with bombards, shorter than those in use with us. Once every two years they return with 20 or 25 vessels. They are unable to tell what people they are, nor what merchandise they bring to this city, save that it includes very fine linen-cloth and brass-ware. They load spices. Their vessels have four masts like those of Spain. If they were Germans it seems to me that we should have had some notice about them; possibly they may be Russians if they have a port there. On the arrival of the captain we may learn who these people are, for the Italian-speaking pilot, who was given him by the Moorish king, and whom he took away contrary to his inclinations, is with him, and may be able to tell.
— Girolamo Sernigi (1499) about the then-unknown Chinese visitors[345]
In 1499, shortly before Vasco da Gama's return from India to Portugal, Girolamo Sernigi reported on the Portuguese accounts from da Gama's expedition that "certain vessels of white Christians" had made port at Calicut on the Malabar coast generations before their arrival.[346] He speculated that these unknown mariners could have been the Germans or the Russians, but concluded that they may learn who those people are when da Gama arrives.[346] After his arrival at Calicut, da Gama began hearing tales of pale bearded men who sailed with their giant ships along the local coastal waters of Calicut generations before.[347] The Portuguese had encountered Malabar traditions that preserved the memory of the Ming treasure voyages led by Zheng He,[348] but they were not aware that these tales were about his fleet.[347] They would eventually discover that these unknown mariners were the Chinese.[346] Da Gama's men were apparently even mistaken for the Chinese at first on arrival at the East African coast, because the Chinese were the last pale-skinned strangers arriving in large wooden ships in the memories of the East African people.[346]
In the late 16th century, Juan González de Mendoza wrote that "it is plainly seene that [the Chinese] did come with the shipping unto the Indies, having conquered al that is from China, unto the farthest part thereof. [...] So that at this day there is great memory of them [...] The like notice and memory is there in the kingdom of Calicut, wheras be many trees and fruits, that the naturals of that countrie do say, were brought thither by the Chinos, when that they were lords and governours of that countrie."[349]
Many present-day Chinese people perceive that these expeditions were conducted in accordance with Confucian ideals.[350] During a Harvard University speech in November 1997, President Jiang Zemin praised Zheng for spreading Chinese culture abroad.[350] Since 2005, in commemoration of the voyages, China annually celebrates its National Maritime Day on 11 July.[351] That year also marked the 600th anniversary of Zheng's maiden voyage.[351][352]
Although the present-day popular narrative may emphasize the peaceful nature of the voyages, especially in terms of the absence of territorial conquest and colonial subjugation, it overlooks the heavy militarization of the Chinese treasure fleet to exercise power projection and thereby promote its interests.[353] In present-day Chinese political discourse, with rising developments in China's maritime capabilities and ambitions, the voyages are evoked to underscore a peaceful emergence of modern China.[354][355] By drawing parallels between contemporary China and the historical narrative as provided by these voyages, the political process serves to stimulate national pride, shape national identity, reaffirm a maritime identity, legitimize the development of maritime power, provide an image of a harmonious and peaceful development, highlight interconnectedness with the broader world, and provide contrast to the violent nature of western colonialism.[355] As such, the voyages play an important role in China's promotion of maritime power as a dominant strategic paradigm[355] and soft power diplomacy in the maritime region.[356]
