• 2. Azerbaiyán
• 3. Bielorrusia • 
4. Estonia • 5. Georgia • 6. Kazajstán • 
7. Kirguistán • 8. Letonia • 9. Lituania • 
10. Moldavia • 11. Rusia • 12. Tayikistán • 
13. Turkmenistán • 14. Ucrania • 15. Uzbekistán
Los estados postsoviéticos , también conocidos como la ex Unión Soviética ( FSU ) [1] o las ex repúblicas soviéticas , son los estados soberanos independientes que surgieron/resurgieron de la disolución de la Unión Soviética en 1991. Antes de su independencia, existían como Repúblicas de la Unión , que eran los constituyentes de alto nivel de la Unión Soviética . Hay 15 estados postsoviéticos en total: Armenia , Azerbaiyán , Bielorrusia , Estonia , Georgia , Kazajstán , Kirguistán , Letonia , Lituania , Moldavia , Rusia , Tayikistán , Turkmenistán , Ucrania y Uzbekistán . Cada uno de estos países sucedió a sus respectivas repúblicas de la Unión: la RSS de Armenia , la RSS de Azerbaiyán , la RSS de Bielorrusia , la RSS de Estonia , la RSS de Georgia , la RSS de Kazajistán , la RSS de Kirguistán , la RSS de Letonia , la RSS de Lituania, la RSS de Moldavia , la RSFS de Rusia , la RSS de Tayikistán , la RSS de Turkmenistán , la RSS de Ucrania y la RSS de Uzbekistán . En Rusia, el término " extranjero cercano " ( en ruso : ближнее зарубежье , romanizado : bližneye zarubežye ) se utiliza a veces para referirse a los estados postsoviéticos distintos de Rusia.
Tras el fin de la Guerra Fría , la comunidad internacional reconoció de facto a Rusia como el estado sucesor de la Unión Soviética en su conjunto, en lugar de sólo de la RSFS de Rusia. En cambio, los demás estados postsoviéticos fueron reconocidos como sucesores sólo de sus correspondientes repúblicas de la Unión. Sin embargo, el estatus de Rusia como único sucesor legítimo en esta capacidad ha sido cuestionado por Ucrania, que ha proclamado por ley que es el estado sucesor tanto de la RSS de Ucrania como de la Unión Soviética en su conjunto. [2] [3] [4] La cuestión de si Rusia o Ucrania sucedieron a la Unión Soviética en 1991 surgió debido a una amplia disputa entre los dos países sobre lo que habían sido propiedades colectivas de propiedad estatal soviética. [5] [6] [7]
Las Repúblicas de la Unión de los Estados Bálticos (Estonia, Letonia, Lituania) fueron las primeras en separarse de la Unión Soviética al proclamar la restauración de su independencia nacional en 1990; citaron la continuidad legal de los estados bálticos originales , afirmando que la soberanía báltica había continuado sobre una base de iure debido a la naturaleza beligerante de la anexión soviética de 1940. [ 8] [9] Posteriormente, las 12 Repúblicas de la Unión restantes se separaron, y todas ellas establecieron conjuntamente la Comunidad de Estados Independientes (CEI) y la mayoría de ellas se unieron más tarde a la Organización del Tratado de Seguridad Colectiva (OTSC) liderada por Rusia . Por otro lado, los tres estados bálticos siguieron una política de desvinculación casi total de la esfera postsoviética dominada por Rusia, centrándose en cambio en integrarse con la Unión Europea (UE) y la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN). [10] Consiguieron con éxito su adhesión a la OTAN y se les concedió la membresía en la UE en 2004. Desde la década de 2000, muchos funcionarios de la UE han destacado la importancia de establecer Acuerdos de Asociación de la UE con los demás estados postsoviéticos. Ucrania y Georgia han buscado activamente la membresía en la OTAN debido a la interferencia rusa cada vez más hostil en sus asuntos internos . [11] [12]
Debido a los conflictos postsoviéticos , han surgido varios estados en disputa con diversos grados de reconocimiento internacional dentro del territorio de la ex Unión Soviética. Estos incluyen: Transnistria , un estado no reconocido respaldado por Rusia en el este de Moldavia; y Abjasia y Osetia del Sur , dos estados parcialmente reconocidos respaldados por Rusia en el norte de Georgia. Las Naciones Unidas (ONU) históricamente han considerado ilegítimos a los estados respaldados por Rusia en el "exterior cercano" y, en cambio, los ve como territorios ocupados por Rusia . Las secuelas de la Revolución de Maidán de Ucrania vieron el surgimiento de estados respaldados por Rusia en Ucrania en 2014: la República de Crimea en el sur de Ucrania proclamó brevemente su independencia antes de ser anexada por Rusia en 2014 ; [13] y la República Popular de Donetsk y la República Popular de Luhansk , ambas ubicadas en el Donbás de Ucrania , fueron ocupadas y posteriormente declararon su independencia en 2014 antes de ser anexadas formalmente por Rusia en 2022 , en medio de la invasión rusa más amplia de Ucrania .
En el lenguaje político de Rusia y algunos otros estados postsoviéticos, el término " exterior cercano" ( en ruso : ближнее зарубежье , romanizado : blizhnee zarubezhe ) se refiere a las repúblicas independientes que surgieron después de la disolución de la Unión Soviética . El uso creciente del término en inglés está relacionado con las afirmaciones del derecho de Rusia a mantener una influencia significativa en la región. [14] [15] [16] El concepto se ha comparado con la Doctrina Monroe , central para la gran estrategia estadounidense en el siglo XX. [14]
La Guía de estilo de AP recomienda evitar el uso de la abreviatura "antigua(s) república(s) soviética(s)" a menos que sea relevante para la historia. [17]
Los 15 estados pueden dividirse en cuatro subregiones . No se incluyen en estas categorías los diversos estados independientes de facto que actualmente carecen de reconocimiento internacional (véase más abajo: Conflictos separatistas).
_2.png/1280px-%D0%92%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%B4%D0%B8%D0%BC%D0%B8%D1%80_%D0%9F%D1%83%D1%82%D0%B8%D0%BD_(08-09-2022)_2.png)
La disolución de la Unión Soviética se produjo en un contexto de estancamiento económico y regresión de la economía de la URSS . Este período marcó el desmantelamiento del Gosplan , el organismo de planificación estatal responsable de la planificación económica y las conexiones económicas entre las repúblicas , lo que agravó las consecuencias para las economías de los estados postsoviéticos.
La mayoría de los antiguos Estados soviéticos iniciaron la transición de una economía de comando a una economía de mercado en 1990-1991 e hicieron esfuerzos para reconstruir y reestructurar sus sistemas económicos, a menudo siguiendo políticas de terapia de choque neoliberal , con resultados variables. En total, el proceso desencadenó graves caídas económicas, con un producto interno bruto (PIB) cayendo más del 40% en general entre 1990 y 1995. [49] Esta caída del PIB fue mucho más intensa que la caída del 27% que sufrió Estados Unidos a raíz de la Gran Depresión entre 1930 y 1934. [50] La reconfiguración de las finanzas públicas en cumplimiento de los principios capitalistas resultó en una reducción drástica del gasto en salud, educación y otros programas sociales, lo que llevó a un marcado aumento de la pobreza y la desigualdad económica . [51] [52] Los shocks económicos asociados con la privatización al por mayor resultaron en la muerte excesiva de aproximadamente 1 millón de personas en edad laboral en todo el antiguo bloque soviético en la década de 1990. [53] [54] Un estudio del economista Steven Rosefielde afirma que 3,4 millones de rusos murieron prematuramente entre 1990 y 1998, en parte como resultado de las políticas de terapia de choque impuestas por el Consenso de Washington . [55]
El declive inicial de la transición finalmente se detuvo y, después de 1995, la economía de los estados postsoviéticos comenzó a recuperarse y el PIB pasó de tasas de crecimiento negativas a positivas. Para 2007, 10 de los 15 estados postsoviéticos habían recuperado sus niveles de PIB de 1991. [56] Según el economista Branko Milanović , en 2015 muchas ex repúblicas soviéticas y otros ex países comunistas aún no han alcanzado sus niveles de producción de 1991, incluidos Bosnia-Herzegovina , Georgia , Kirguistán , Moldavia , Serbia , Tayikistán y Ucrania . Concluyó que "solo 1 de cada 10 personas que viven en países 'en transición' han visto una transición exitosa al capitalismo y más democracia". [57] [58] Al comentar el informe de Milanović en 2021, Kristen Ghodsee dice que esta visión es "esencialmente correcta" y tal vez subestima "los impactos negativos de la transición al centrarse solo en el PIB, la desigualdad y la consolidación democrática", mientras que Mitchell A. Orenstein dice que esta visión es "demasiado pesimista" y señala que "Polonia lo había hecho espectacularmente bien y los niveles de vida habían aumentado en muchos países". [59]
La mayoría de las constituciones de los nuevos estados definen directa o indirectamente el sistema económico de los países en paralelo a la transición democrática de los años 1990, haciendo hincapié en la economía de libre mercado . La deuda pública media en estos países es de casi el 44%, pero la desviación es grande, porque la cifra más baja está cerca del 10%, pero la más alta es del 97%. La tendencia muestra que la relación deuda soberana/PIB en la mayoría de los países ha ido aumentando. El marco constitucional para la tributación es similar. Los bancos centrales son a menudo instituciones estatales independientes, que poseen el monopolio de la gestión y la aplicación de la política monetaria de un estado o federación. Además de la política monetaria, algunos de ellos también realizan la supervisión del sistema de intermediación financiera. [60]
Variación del producto interno bruto (PIB) en precios constantes, 1991-2015 [61]
*La economía de la mayoría de las repúblicas soviéticas comenzó a declinar en 1989-1990, por lo que los índices de 1991 no coinciden con los máximos anteriores a la reforma.
**El año en que la caída del PIB se transformó en crecimiento del PIB
***El Banco Mundial publica datos del PIB de Estonia únicamente a partir de 1995. Las cifras de Estonia se refieren al PIB de 1995.
Lista del producto interno bruto (PIB) actual (las cifras se dan en dólares de los Estados Unidos de América para el año 2023 según el FMI [62] )
Los estados postsoviéticos enumerados según sus puntuaciones en el Índice de Desarrollo Humano en 2021: [63]
.png/1280px-Post-Soviet_states_by_HDI_(2020).png)
Desarrollo Humano Muy Alto:
Estonia : 0,890 Lituania : 0,875 Letonia : 0,863 Rusia : 0,822 Kazajstán : 0,811 Bielorrusia : 0,808 Georgia : 0,802Alto Desarrollo Humano:
Ucrania : 0,773 Moldavia : 0,767 Armenia : 0,759 Azerbaiyán : 0,745 Turkmenistán : 0,745 Uzbekistán : 0,727Desarrollo Humano Medio:
Kirguistán : 0,692 Tayikistán : 0,685
Desde la disolución de la Unión Soviética han surgido varias organizaciones regionales y bloques cooperativos . En esta sección sólo se enumeran las organizaciones que están compuestas principalmente (o en su totalidad) por estados postsoviéticos; no se analizan las organizaciones con un número mayor de miembros. Los 15 estados postsoviéticos se dividen en función de su participación en los bloques regionales:
La Comunidad de Estados Independientes (CEI) está formada por 10 ex repúblicas soviéticas que difieren en su estatus de miembros. A diciembre de 2010, 9 países han ratificado la carta de la CEI y son miembros de pleno derecho de la CEI (Armenia, Azerbaiyán, Bielorrusia, Moldavia, Kazajstán, Kirguistán, Rusia, Tayikistán, Uzbekistán), un país (Turkmenistán) es miembro asociado y dos países (Georgia, Ucrania) abandonaron la organización en 2009 y en 2018. En 2014, Ucrania declinó su presidencia de la CEI y consideró retirarse de la organización. [69]
En 1994, los países de la CEI acordaron crear una zona de libre comercio, pero los acuerdos nunca se firmaron. El 19 de octubre de 2011, Armenia, Bielorrusia, Kazajstán, Kirguistán, Moldavia, Rusia, Tayikistán y Ucrania firmaron un acuerdo de libre comercio. [70] Uzbekistán se unió a la zona de libre comercio en 2013. [ cita requerida ]
La Comunidad Económica Euroasiática (EURASEC), antigua Unión Aduanera de la CEI, fue creada por Rusia , Bielorrusia , Kazajstán , Kirguistán y Tayikistán . Ucrania y Moldavia tienen estatus de observador en la comunidad; sin embargo, Ucrania ha declarado su deseo de no convertirse en un estado miembro de pleno derecho. Debido a que tener fronteras comunes con el resto de la comunidad es un requisito previo para la membresía plena, Moldavia tiene prohibido solicitarla. Uzbekistán solicitó la membresía en octubre de 2005, [ cita requerida ] cuando comenzó el proceso de fusión de la Organización de Cooperación de Asia Central y la Comunidad Económica Euroasiática; se unió el 25 de enero de 2006. Uzbekistán posteriormente suspendió su membresía en 2008. [ cita requerida ]
El 10 de octubre de 2014, tras una sesión del Consejo Interestatal de la CEEA, se firmó en Minsk un acuerdo sobre la disolución de la Comunidad Económica Euroasiática . La Comunidad Económica Euroasiática se disolvió a partir del 1 de enero de 2015 en relación con la creación de la Unión Económica Euroasiática . [ cita requerida ]
Rusia , Bielorrusia y Kazajstán crearon una unión aduanera que entró en vigor en julio de 2010. Ucrania , Kirguistán y Tayikistán manifestaron su interés en unirse en ese momento. [ cita requerida ] Rusia ha estado ansiosa por que Armenia , Moldavia y Ucrania se unan a la unión aduanera en lugar de la Unión Europea , y el estado separatista moldavo de Transnistria ha apoyado esto. En 2013, Kirguistán y Armenia anunciaron planes para buscar la membresía, pero la división sobre el tema en Ucrania condujo a la Revolución de la Dignidad después de que el gobierno ucraniano se retirara de una Asociación Oriental de la UE a favor de la unión. En 2014, los votantes de la región autónoma moldava de Gagauzia rechazaron vínculos más estrechos con la UE a favor de la unión. [71]
El 1 de enero de 2012, Rusia, Kazajstán y Bielorrusia establecieron el Espacio Económico Único, que garantiza el funcionamiento eficaz de un mercado único de bienes, servicios, capital y trabajo, y establece políticas coherentes en materia industrial, de transporte, energética y agrícola. [72] [73] El acuerdo incluía una hoja de ruta para la futura integración y estableció la Comisión Económica Euroasiática (inspirada en la Comisión Europea ). [74] La Comisión Económica Euroasiática actúa como organismo regulador de la Unión Aduanera Euroasiática, el Espacio Económico Único y la Unión Económica Euroasiática. [72]
La Unión Económica Euroasiática es una unión económica de estados postsoviéticos. El tratado que apunta al establecimiento de la UEE fue firmado el 29 de mayo de 2014 por los líderes de Bielorrusia , Kazajistán y Rusia , y entró en vigor el 1 de enero de 2015. [75] Los tratados que apuntan a la adhesión de Armenia y Kirguistán a la Unión Económica Euroasiática se firmaron el 9 de octubre de 2014 y el 23 de diciembre respectivamente. El tratado de adhesión de Armenia entró en vigor el 2 de enero de 2015. [76] Kirguistán ratificó su tratado de adhesión en mayo de 2015, y entró en vigor en agosto de 2015. [77] [78] [79] [80] [81] [82] Moldavia y Tayikistán son miembros potenciales. [83] [84]
Siete Estados miembros de la CEI, a saber, Rusia , Bielorrusia , Kazajstán , Kirguistán , Tayikistán , Uzbekistán y Armenia , han mejorado su cooperación militar, estableciendo la Organización del Tratado de Seguridad Colectiva (OTSC), que es una expansión del anterior Tratado de Seguridad Colectiva (TSC). Uzbekistán, que (junto con Georgia y Azerbaiyán) se retiró de la TSC en 1999, se unió a la GUAM. Luego, en 2005, se retiró de la GUAM y se unió a la OTSC en 2006. El 28 de junio de 2012, Uzbekistán suspendió su membresía en la OTSC. [85]
Tres antiguos estados soviéticos son miembros de la OTAN: Estonia , Letonia y Lituania . Georgia, donde tanto la opinión pública como el gobierno gobernante favorecen la membresía de la OTAN, está en el programa de Diálogo Intensificado con la OTAN. Ucrania también declaró unirse a la OTAN como su objetivo geopolítico una vez más en 2017 (la primera vez fue justo después de la Revolución Naranja y al comienzo de la presidencia de Viktor Yushchenko ), después de la presidencia de Viktor Yanukovych , durante la cual el gobierno declaró oficialmente el estatus de no alineación y dejó de buscar la membresía de la OTAN. [86] [87]
Otros estados incluidos en el programa del Plan de Acción de la Asociación para la Paz y la Asociación Individual son Armenia, Azerbaiyán, Bielorrusia, Kazajstán, Kirguistán, Moldavia, Rusia, Tayikistán, Turkmenistán y Uzbekistán.
Cuatro Estados miembros, a saber, Georgia , Ucrania , Azerbaiyán y Moldavia , crearon el grupo GUAM, que en gran medida se consideró que tenía como objetivo contrarrestar el dominio ruso en la región. Cabe destacar que estos cuatro países no participan en ninguna de las otras organizaciones regionales que surgieron en la región desde la disolución de la Unión Soviética (excepto la CEI).
El Estado de la Unión de Rusia y Bielorrusia se formó originalmente el 2 de abril de 1996 bajo el nombre de Mancomunidad de Rusia y Bielorrusia , antes de ser reforzado aún más el 8 de diciembre de 1999. Fue iniciado por el presidente de Bielorrusia, Alexander Lukashenko . En el papel, la Unión de Rusia y Bielorrusia pretende una mayor integración, más allá del ámbito de la mera cooperación, incluida la introducción del rublo como moneda común.
La Organización de Cooperación Económica fue formada originalmente en 1985 por Turquía , Irán y Pakistán, pero en 1992 la organización se amplió para incluir a Afganistán y las seis ex repúblicas soviéticas principalmente musulmanas: Azerbaiyán , Kazajstán , Kirguistán , Tayikistán , Turkmenistán y Uzbekistán .
Los disputados estados postsoviéticos de Abjasia , Osetia del Sur y Transnistria son todos miembros de la Comunidad para la Democracia y los Derechos de las Naciones , cuyo objetivo es forjar una integración más estrecha.
La Comunidad de Elección Democrática (CDC) se formó en diciembre de 2005 por iniciativa principal de Ucrania y Georgia, y está compuesta por seis estados postsoviéticos (Ucrania, Georgia, Moldavia, Estonia, Letonia y Lituania) y otros tres países de Europa central y oriental ( Eslovenia , Rumania y Macedonia del Norte ). El Foro del Mar Negro (BSF) es una organización estrechamente relacionada. Entre los países observadores se incluyen Armenia , Bulgaria y Polonia .
Al igual que el GUAM, este foro se considera en gran medida como un foro destinado a contrarrestar la influencia rusa en la zona. Es el único foro internacional centrado en el espacio postsoviético en el que también participan los países bálticos. Además, los otros tres estados postsoviéticos que lo integran son todos miembros del GUAM.
.svg/1280px-SCO_(orthographic_projection).svg.png)
La Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái (OCS) está formada por China y cinco estados postsoviéticos, a saber, Rusia, Kazajstán, Kirguistán, Tayikistán y Uzbekistán. La organización se fundó en 2001, aunque su predecesora, la agrupación de los Cinco de Shanghái, existe desde 1996. Sus objetivos giran en torno a cuestiones relacionadas con la seguridad, como la demarcación de fronteras, el terrorismo y la energía. [88]
Apart from above, the former Soviet republics also hold membership in a number of multinational organizations such as:
Regarding political freedom in the former Soviet republics, Freedom House's 2021 report listed the following:
Similarly, the Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders in 2022 recorded the following as regards press freedom:[89]
It has been remarked that several post-Soviet states did not change leadership for decades since their independence, such as Nursultan Nazarbayev in Kazakhstan until his surprise resignation in 2019,[90] and Islam Karimov in Uzbekistan, until his death in September 2016.[91] All of these had originally more limited terms but through decrees or referendums prolonged their stay in office (a practice also followed by Presidents Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus and Emomali Rahmon of Tajikistan). Askar Akayev of Kyrgyzstan had likewise served as President since its independence until he was forced to resign as a result of the Kyrgyz revolution of 2005.[92] Saparmurat Niyazov in Turkmenistan ruled from independence until his death in 2006, creating a personality cult around himself.[93] His successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, has maintained a personality cult of his own that has replaced the worshipping of Niyazov.[94]
The issue of dynastical succession has been another element affecting the politics of some post-Soviet States. Heydar Aliyev, after constructing an extensive and ongoing cult of personality, handed the Presidency of Azerbaijan to his son, Ilham Aliyev. Theories about the children of other leaders in Central Asia being groomed for succession abound.[95] The participation of Akayev's son and daughter in the 2005 Kyrgyz parliamentary elections boosted fears of dynastic succession being used in Kyrgyzstan as well, and may have contributed to the anti-Akayev climate that led to his overthrow.
Economic, political, national, military and social problems have all been factors in separatism in the post-Soviet space. In many cases, problems due to factors such as ethnic divisions existed before the fall of the Soviet Union, and upon the fall of the union were brought into the open.[96] Such territories and resulting military conflicts have so far been:
.svg/1280px-Flag_of_Transnistria_(state).svg.png){kind=spacer}
Transnistria, which is de facto independent from Moldova. It declared independence in 1990, due to its majority Russian-speaking population fearing union with Romania. A ceasefire between Transnistrian forces and Moldovan forces has been in place since 1992, enforced by the presence of Russian forces in Transnistria.[97]
South Ossetia, which is de facto independent from Georgia. The region declared its intent to seek independence in 1990, leading to a conflict which led to a ceasefire in 1992. Separatism became powerful after the election of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili in 2004, and a referendum in 2006 was in favour of declaring independence. The 2008 war between Georgian forces and the separatist and Russian forces led to Russia's recognition of South Ossetia's independence.[98]
Abkhazia, which is de facto independent from Georgia. Tensions in the area broke out when Georgia sent in troops in 1992 to control groups who wanted separation. The troops and most of the Georgian and Mingrelian speaking population were forced out in 1993, and the region declared independence in 1999. The 2008 war between Georgian forces and the separatist and Russian forces led to Russia's recognition of Abkhazia's independence.[99]
Gagauz Republic, declared itself the "Gagauz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic" within Moldova on 12 November 1989, and the Gagauz Republic, separate from Moldova but still within the Soviet Union, on 19 August 1990; reintegrated into Moldova as an autonomous region through a law passed on 23 December 1994 which entered into force on 14 January 1995.[100][101][102]
Tatarstan, declared itself to be a sovereign state after a referendum on 21 March 1992. Negotiations with Russia led to the signing of a treaty in 1994 which ended Tatarstan's de facto independence, but reserved significant autonomy for the Tatarstan government. In 2002 a new constitution was enacted for Tatarstan which removed the prior constitution's declaration that Tatarstan was a sovereign state.
Republic of Crimea. The entire Crimean Peninsula has been outside the control of Ukrainian authorities since late February 2014, when Russian special forces, some disguised as "armed self-defence forces" occupied the peninsula and seized the local parliament.[103][104][105]: 11 In March 2014, a popular referendum in favor of accession to Russia was held in Crimea and Sevastopol, although Ukraine[106] and most of the international community refused to recognize the vote. The next day, the Republic of Crimea declared independence, and within days Russia absorbed the peninsula. Ukraine continues to claim Crimea as an integral part of its territory.
Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, where Dzhokhar Dudayev declared independence from Russia in 1991, leading to a violent war between local separatist forces and the Russian army. Russia first invaded in 1994, withdrawing after a deal for increased autonomy was granted in 1996. Tensions have continued in the years since then, and the conflict has spilled over into neighbouring regions such as Dagestan, Ingushetia and North Ossetia–Alania. Russia claims that the situation in Chechnya has normalised.[107]
Donetsk People's Republic and 
Luhansk People's Republic, states which declared independence from Ukraine in 2014. The two breakaway states were recognized by Russia on 21 February 2022, followed by North Korea and Syria, and they were subsequently annexed by Russia on 4 October of that year after a controversial referendum that were recognized as sham referendums.
Republic of Artsakh, which declared independence from Azerbaijan. Ethnic conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis began in 1988, and expanded into a war which lasted until a ceasefire in 1994. Sporadic attempts at negotiating a final peace and sporadic bursts of violence have continued up until September 2023 when Azerbaijan launched another military offensive. The government of Artsakh agreed to disarm and enter talks with Azerbaijan, prompting a flight of ethnic Armenians from the area. The president of Artsakh also signed a decree calling for the republic to dissolve itself by 1 January 2024.[108][109][110]
Talysh-Mughan, declared autonomy within Azerbaijan, that lasted from June to August 1993.[111]Civil wars unrelated to separatist movements have occurred twice in the region:
Since 2003, a number of (largely) peaceful "colour revolutions" have happened in some post-Soviet states after disputed elections, with popular protests bringing into power the former opposition.
There is a significant Russophone population in most of the post-Soviet states, whose political position as an ethnic minority varies from country to country.[112] While Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, in addition to Russia, have kept Russian as an official language, the language lost its status in other post-Soviet states after the end of the Soviet Union. It maintains semi-official status in all CIS member states, because it is the organisation's official working language, but in the three Baltic states, the Russian language is not recognized in any official capacity. Georgia, since its departure from the CIS in 2009, has begun operating its government almost exclusively in the Georgian language.
While the Soviet system placed severe restrictions on religious intellectual life, traditions continued to survive. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Islamic movements have emerged alongside ethnic and secular ones. Vitaly Naumkin gives the following assessment: "Throughout the time of change, Islam has served as a symbol of identity, a force for mobilization, and a pressure for democracy. This is one of the few social disasters that the church has survived, in which it was not the cause. But if successful politically, it faces economic challenges beyond its grasp."[113]
The Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) plus Azerbaijan in the Southern Caucasus are Muslim, except for their dwindling Russian and other European minorities. The Baltic countries are historically Western Christian (Protestant and Roman Catholic), which adds another layer of pro-Western orientation to those countries, although the majority of what has been the traditionally Protestant population there (in Estonia and northern Latvia) is now relatively irreligious. The dominant religion in the other former Soviet countries (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine) is Eastern Orthodox Christianity. In most countries, religiosity has increased since the Soviet collapse.[citation needed]
LGBT people may encounter difficulties not shared by non-LGBT residents. In Transnistria homosexuality is illegal. In some other regions, such as Russia and Ukraine, homosexual actions are legal, but there is still discrimination and bias towards the gay community.
The Soviet Union inherited environmental problems from the pre-Revolutionary era that it blamed on the failings and evils of capitalism.[114] The Soviet Union promoted environmental sentiments; it had a constitutional clause on environmental protection and promoted the idea that, by ending capitalism, environmental problems would cease to arise.[114][115] Some environmental strides were made, such as the banning of lead-based paint and leaded gasoline in the 20th century.[115] However, the prioritization of industrial production over environmental protection meant that many environmental issues were left to post-Soviet institutions, particularly air and water pollution in the Northern regions where industrialism was heaviest.[116] The Northern countries of Central Europe, including Poland, East Germany and Czechoslovakia formed what is referred to as the "black triangle" due to their heavy use of brown coal for energy.[116] Environmental degradation in the former Soviet Union is attributed to rapid industrialization and a lack of institutions that were able to curb pollution levels.[117] Many republics of the Soviet Union experienced soil degradation due to collective farming[116] In the 1970s, a Soviet study revealed vast technological inefficiencies in the USSR: compared to the West, the USSR created double the amount of pollutants for each product produced, and quadruple the amount of pollution for each car.[114] The Soviet regime also withheld information regarding the environmental problems facing them, and when these problems became evident to the public, authorities continued to attribute them to capitalism.[114] The Chernobyl disaster was a turning point in which the Soviets had to take responsibility for a huge environmental disaster amid pressures to disclose information regarding its causes and consequences, and this led to a broader discussion about the state of the environment as well as to concerns about nuclear energy.[114] As general unrest grew in the final years of the Soviet Union, the public began to demand environmental reform as part of their resistance to Communism. Many citizens wanted to capitalize on the political turnover to achieve an environmentalist agenda.[118] There was a push away from coal and towards cleaner forms of energy in the 1980s,[116] and 1986–1987 saw the first wave of environmental protests.[114] Village Prose literature by authors such as Valentin Rasputin fostered an environmentalist sentiment.[114] The Soviet "Green Front" was a populist environmental movement that had five subgroups: the Social-Ecological Union which promoted environmental solutions based in ecological practice, the Ecological Union which advocated for greater monitoring of pollution, the Ecological Foundation that sought to create funds through pollution taxes, the Ecological Society of the Soviet Union that called for a return to the Russian way of life that was closely connected to nature, and the All-Union Movement of Greens which was a culminating body of the four preceding groups.[114] Russian oil-drilling and the military were among the things they took issue with.[114] Critics of the Green Front opposed their effects on the chemical industry and claimed that it led to reduced commercial product availability of items such as soap, which was in very short supply in the late 1980s, and restricted access to pharmaceutical goods.[114]
It was expected that the transition to post-Soviet society would bring about environmental change from both democratic governments and NGOs, but the dissolution of the Soviet Union had both positive and negative effects on the environment. Transition brought about numerous changes that had both positive and negative environmental effects. The abandonment of croplands following dissolution of the Soviet Union led to the creation of carbon sinks.[119] Industrial activity drastically decreased, which reduced air pollution even as the economy took an upturn.[116] However, the introduction of a capitalist market caused new environmental problems: the increase in privately owned cars and the infrastructure changes to accommodate them, the increase in consumerism with no waste management to handle its byproducts, and the poorly planned construction of retail sites.[116][120] Environmental clean-up efforts by post-Soviet regimes included institutional changes through the creation of or reformation of environmental agencies, and legislative changes through the introduction of new environmental regulations and their enforcement.[116] However, some contend that the efficacy of these reforms was curtailed by economic troubles in the 1990s.[116] New environmental standards were sometimes used by governments to lower preexisting ones, and many of the post-Soviet initiatives have been criticized as "neoliberal" for their basis in free market principles and belief that the market would correct for environmental problems.[116] Technological innovation was generally directed towards "end-of-pipe" technologies, which deal with the clean-up of emissions and their byproducts rather than the reduction of emissions.[120]
Nongovernmental environmental organizations did not exist under the Soviet Union.[121] Rather, some republics had state and local institutions for environmental oversight where citizens could voice concerns, but open criticism of the state was prohibited.[121] Conservation brigades, otherwise known as druzhiny,[114] engaged in preservationist and recreational outdoor activities.[121] However, environmental damage and openings in political freedom in the 1980s led to greater grassroots activism.[121] The Chernobyl disaster of 1986, its cover-up by national, republic and local government officials, and its environmental and health effects spurred many to action.[121] General dissatisfaction with the socialist regime and a push for democratization took an environmental focus.[121] As Soviet citizens became more comfortable with the Gorbachev-era ideals of glasnost and perestroika in the late 20th century, environmentalists became more outspoken in their demands, and radical splinter groups formed in the late 1980s.[121] The opening of borders led to the spread of ideas and partnership with international environmental NGOs who were able to visit and converse with environmentalists of post-Soviet nations.[121] The conservation state institutions from the Soviet era continued to exist into the post-Soviet era but experienced difficulty getting funding due to their connection with the socialist regime in national memory.[121] New environmental NGOs had challenges receiving funding as well as organizing, and the NGOs that survived were not as influential on national decision-making as the state.[118][121] Many NGOs expressed disappointment with the lack of substantial environmental change during times of political transformation.[120] It has also been contended that environmental issues are of little importance to Russian citizens today.[118] Many former-Soviet citizens abandoned their earlier interest in the environment after the achievement of independence, while continued demands for environmental reform were suppressed.
Russia has an expansive amount of land which contains a high amount of natural resources and biodiversity. Protected natural areas, or zapovedniki, were created under the Soviet Union.[122] Soviet leaders attributed former pollution and environmental degradation in Russia to private enterprise and capitalism.[122] However, environmental problems arose in Russia under the Soviets because industrialization was favored over environmentalism, and there was little discussion on how to properly use resources and they were depreciated.[122] The task of environmental governance was distributed among 15 different ministries.[122] There is controversy among academics as to whether environmental destruction under the Soviet Union can be attributed more to Marxist ideology or to the industrialization push.[122]
In 1988, the Central Committee and the USSR Council of Ministers formed the USSR Union Republic State Committee for Environmental Control, or the Goskompriroda.[114][122] The intention of this institution was resource management and environmental testing and oversight.[114] Eventually, however, the Goskompriroda was accused of holding "entrepreneurial interests," particularly related to nuclear power.[114] The 1990s saw experiments in taxing pollution of various forms, though this was largely ineffective due to the low charge levels and inflation, as well as more areas of protected land, but there was difficulty overseeing these areas due to small budgets.[122] In 1991, the Federal Act on the Protection of the Natural Environment was passed in the independent Russian Federation, and the Goskompriroda became the Ministry of the Environment, or the Minpriroda, and developed sustainable development goals.[114][122] In 1996, Yeltsin demoted the Ministry of the Environment to the State Committee on Environmental Protection, and in 2000 Putin ended the State Committee on Environmental Protection and the Federal Forestry Service and tasked the Ministry of Natural Resources with their responsibilities.[122] In 2001, to the ire of many environmental advocates, Russia passed a law that allowed the acceptance, treatment, and storage of nuclear fuel from other nations for profit.[122] The Environmental Doctrine was passed in 2002, the Water Code was passed in 2006, and the Forest Code was passed in 2007, though these policies have been critiqued for the difficulty in enforcing them.[122] Today, Russia has a low population density with most citizens gathered in the cities, so environmental degradation is concentrated in certain areas.[122] Putin is criticized by environmental advocates for prioritizing economic gain over environmental protection, and there are high levels of greenhouse gas emissions and frequent oil spills.[122]
Ukraine is made up of a diverse landscape consisting of plains, temperate forest and mountains, five densely populated cities, and agricultural land that makes up 70% of the country.[123] Ukraine heavily increased industrial and agricultural production in the Soviet period, which had negative effects on the environment, as did the 1986 Chernobyl disaster.[123] Many of these issues have not been addressed post-independence due to lack of funding. Since independence, Ukraine has experienced a decrease in agricultural and industrial productivity and an increase in diseases, birth abnormalities and child mortality, claimed to have been caused at least in part from the Chernobyl disaster and from polluted water and air.[123] The number of cars in Ukraine has increased post-independence.[123] Sewage waste has increased, but there has been no increase in wastewater treatment facilities to accommodate it, diverting the waste into natural bodies of water; the Black and Azov seas have been polluted by wastewater, though this occurs less with the reduction of industry; agricultural runoff has led to decreased fish populations, particularly in the Azov Sea.[123] The damming of the Dnipro for hydroelectric power caused flooding in local and residential areas, though the river has been recovering from contamination caused by the Chernobyl disaster.[123] Radioactive waste remains from the Chernobyl accident, the uranium industry, mining and industrial processing.[123] There are numerous environmental agencies in Ukraine. In 1991, the Ukrainian Ministry of Environmental Protection (MEP) was formed. It manages the environment and its resources, but it has experienced decreased funding and staff since 1996.[123] There is also the Ministry for Forestry, the State Committee on Geology and Natural Resource Use, the State Committee on Water Management, the State Committee on Land Use, the Health Ministry, the Road Traffic Inspectorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the State Committee on Hydrometeorology. Environmental education was also introduced into the school curriculum in the 1990s by the Ministry of Education.[123] Zelenyi svit, or "Green World", was a successful Ukrainian environmental organization whose mission was to hold the Ukrainian government accountable for their environmental failings, particularly the Chernobyl disaster, and to protect the Azov Sea through preventing construction of the Danube-Dnieper Canal.[114]
Proper water resource management is a significant environmental concern in the post-Soviet nations of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and the Karakalpakstan region, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan.[124] Central Asia has an arid climate with hot summers and cold winters.[124] Once within the USSR, the Aral Sea Basin now crosses the geopolitical boundaries of these independent nations. Along with the Aral Sea Basin, Central Asia nations also extract freshwater from the Syr Darya, Amu Darya and Zeravshan rivers.[124] These rivers receive the snowmelt of surrounding mountains.[124]
Following the fall of the Soviet Union, the newly independent states kept their Soviet-era internal administrative structure but were unpracticed in cross-national natural resource management.[124] This has led to conflict regarding proper water allocation to meet the agricultural, industrial and consumer demands of these nations.[124] Water quality degradation, diversion and withdrawal has led to increased insecurity and conflict.[124]
Most of the water is used for irrigation of agriculture, with Uzbekistan the largest user of agricultural water.[124] Uzbekistan has double the population of its fellow nations and uses 3/5 of regional water supplies.[124] Together, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan use twice the amount of water for industrial activities used by Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.[124]
The Interstate Coordinating Commission for Water Resources was formed in 1991 to allocate water from the Syr Darya and Amu Darya but has had difficulty distributing water fairly among nations due to limited funding and physical infrastructure.[124] This has led to conflict between the states.
To alleviate the stress on water resources in Central Asia, international organizations looking at the situation have advocated for creation of a river basin commission to represent each nation, equitably distribute water, and peacefully resolve conflicts.[124] It has also been suggested that each nation take responsibility by limiting its downstream environmental effects through reducing agricultural runoff, informing fellow nations of proposed actions which may impact water quality and supply, and sharing data regarding these natural water sources.[124]
The three Baltic countries—Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania—were de facto part of the Soviet Union after WWII until they restored independence in 1991. Afterwards, they have had difficulty acquiring fuels and meeting their energy needs.[125] For this reason, they were reliant on Russian oil, and did not have the capacity to acquire fuel from other producers, which had led to frequent fuel shortages.[125] Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania primarily used fossil fuels for energy including imported gas, oil and petroleum products.[125] The Baltic states used fuels with high amounts of sulfur and pollutants, which has had a negative effect on the environment. Power plants constructed in the Baltic states under the USSR were inefficient, as they were designed to power the entire northwestern region of Soviet territory.[125] During this time, environmental monitoring and regulation were controlled at the local level, but the Baltic states had little influence over the state-managed industrial activities in their area.[125]
Concern for the environment fueled a desire for independence from the USSR.[125] Since declaring independence, the energy consumption of the Baltic states has declined due to a decrease in industrial activity, and each nation has created its own environmental oversight body: the Ministry of Environment in Estonia, the Environmental Protection Committee in Latvia, and the Environmental Protection Department in Latvia, all of which were under the legislative branch but independent from executive government.[125] Air pollution was high in the Baltic states due to the high sulfur and other pollutants emitted from their fuel sources. Water pollution was also considerable due to agricultural and industrial activity, as well as the legacy of Soviet military installations.[125] Emission charges were enacted in the Baltic states to reduce pollution levels.[125]
Northeastern Estonia and the Narva region in particular was the site of an oil-shale industry which provided electricity and heat.[125] Estonia was the only nation to have ever had an oil-shale based energy system.[125] Mining for oil-shale caused Estonia to have the highest amounts of pollution in the Baltic states.[125] Surrounding nations pressured Estonia to reduce its emissions, but a lack of desulfurization equipment has forced Estonia to instead lower its energy production, which has hurt the nation economically.[125] Water pollution has also been considered among the worst of Estonia's environmental problems because it does not have the infrastructure to effectively treat as much sewage as is created.[125]
Latvia produces the least amount of power and pollution and has the highest amount of forest damage of all the Baltic states.[125]
Lithuania is the largest producer of electricity of all three Baltic states.[125] Lithuania's land area is roughly 31% forested and is both state and privately owned.[126] Under the USSR, forest and other natural resources were state-owned and centrally managed.[126] The State determined how resources would be used and excluded the public from influencing forest policy.[126] The transition to a post-Soviet political and economic system led to privatization of forests and a market economy.[126] Today, Lithuania's forests are managed democratically and sustainably so as to preserve biodiversity and forest resources.[126]
Ever since the dissolution of the Soviet Union a certain number of people (predominantly people around the age of ~ 55–80, which is most likely due to the USSR's peak performance in the time of Brezhnev) have expressed a longing for the Soviet period and its values. The level of post-Soviet nostalgia varies across the former republics. For example, certain groups of people may blend the Soviet and post-Soviet experience in their daily lives.[clarification needed][137]
A 2009 Pew Research Center poll showed that 62% of Ukrainians felt that their lives were worse off after 1989, when free markets were made dominant.[138] A follow-up poll by Pew Research Center in 2011 showed that 45% of Lithuanians, 42% of Russians, and 34% of Ukrainians approved of the change to a post-Soviet market economy.[139]
According to July 2012 polling in Ukraine by RATING, 42% of respondents supported the formation of a unified state of Ukraine, Russia and Belarus; earlier in 2012 this support had been 48%.[140]
Polls of Russian citizens conducted by Levada Center in November 2016, 2017, and 2018 showed that a majority viewed the collapse of the USSR negatively (56%, 58%, and 66% respectively) and felt that it could have been avoided (51%, 52%, and 60% respectively). The 2018 figure of 66% who regretted the USSR's collapse was the highest since 2004.[141][142][143] A 2019 poll found that 59% of Russians felt that the Soviet government "took care of ordinary people". Joseph Stalin's favorability also hit record highs that same year.[144]
Various regional structures have emerged in the post-Soviet geography, which is fragmented in political and geopolitical terms. The first of these was the Independent State Society (CIS), which included former Soviet countries outside the Baltic countries. The failure of the CIS to meet the foreign policy needs of many post-Soviet countries has set the stage for a new regional integration. At the initiative of Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova, a GUAM organization was established in Strasbourg on 10 October 1997.[145] The purpose and principles of the organization were determined at the first summit of GUAM on 7 June 2001 in Yalta. The countries participating in the GUAM aimed to maintain their national independence and sovereignty and to increase their maneuverability against Russia.[146]
.jpg/1280px-Vahagn_Khachaturyan_portrait_(cropped).jpg)
_(cropped).jpg/1280px-Lukashenko_(October_2019)_(cropped).jpg)
_(cropped).jpg/1280px-Volodymyr_Zelenskyy_met_with_Estonian_President_Karis_in_Kyiv_2022_(13)_(cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Victory_Day_-_Europe_Day_2020_Address_Photo_of_Salome_Zourabichvili_(cropped).jpg)
_(cropped).jpg/1280px-Kassym-Jomart_Tokayev_(2022-06-17)_(cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Edgars_Rink%C4%93vi%C4%8Ds_as_president-elect,_2023-05-31_(cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Gitanas_Naus%C4%97da_in_Lviv_(cropped).jpg)
_(cropped).jpg/1280px-Meeting_of_the_President_of_Ukraine_with_the_President_of_the_Republic_of_Moldova_in_Kyiv_(23)_(cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Emomali_Rahmon_in_2016_(cropped).jpg)
![Turkmenistán Serdar Berdimuhamedow Presidente de Turkmenistán[48]](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d0/Serdar_Berdimuhamedow_(2022-06-10).jpg/1280px-Serdar_Berdimuhamedow_(2022-06-10).jpg)
_(cropped).jpg/1280px-thumbnail.jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Nikol_Pashinyan_01_(07-04-2021).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-%D0%90%D0%BB%D0%B8_%D0%90%D1%81%D0%B0%D0%B4%D0%BE%D0%B2_(25-08-2022).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-%D0%A0%D0%BE%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%BD_%D0%93%D0%BE%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2%D1%87%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BA%D0%BE_(25-02-2022).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Kristen_Michal_in_2024_(cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Oljas_Bektenov_(2024-02-06,_cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-%D0%90%D0%BA%D1%8B%D0%BB%D0%B1%D0%B5%D0%BA_%D0%96%D0%B0%D0%BF%D0%B0%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%B2_(19-11-2021).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Jauniev%C4%93l%C4%93t%C4%81s_Ministru_prezidentes_Evikas_Sili%C5%86as_preses_konference_(cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Dorin_Recean_(March_2023).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Mikhail_Mishustin_(2020-07-09).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Kokhir_Rasulzoda_(2018-04-19).jpg)
_(cropped).jpg/1280px-Book_of_Condolence_(52366372626)_(cropped).jpg)
.jpg/1280px-Abdulla_Aripov_(2019-05-30).jpg)
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)Ghodsee, who had conducted much of her research in the Balkans or East Germany among women and ethnic minorities, believed that Milanović's findings were essentially correct but were most likely underestimating the negative impacts of transition by focusing only on GDP, inequality, and democratic consolidation. Orenstein, on the other hand, whose early career was spent conducting research on the transition process in Poland and the Czech Republic, believed that Milanović's findings were overly pessimistic. Poland had done spectacularly well and living standards had increased in many countries.
Signed agreement opens up new possibilities for Kyrgyzstan and Armenia, starting from 1st January 2015
Kyrgyzstan is among the member countries of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEC). Kyrgyzstan will participate in the governing bodies of the EAEC since the start of the Union – from 1 January 2015.
Eurasian Economic Union added December 23 Armenia and Kyrgyzstan.
Kyrgyzstan on Tuesday a signed a treaty to join the Eurasian Economic Union, expanding the membership of Moscow-led project to five even as its unity is strained by the market turmoil gripping Russia.
Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan agreed to a January 1 inauguration.
But on 19 August 1990, the Gagauz elite, led by President Stepan Topal and Supreme Soviet Chairperson Mihail Kendighelean, quickly took the next step, declaring Gagauzia to be independent of Moldova and subject only to central Soviet authority
On 12 November 1989, a "Gagauz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic" was proclaimed by an assembly in Comrat ... In reaction to the Moldovan declaration of sovereignty, on 19 August 1990 the Gagauz leadership proclaimed a "Gagauz Soviet Socialist Republic", which would be independent from Moldova, but part of the Soviet Union ... on 23 December 1994 the Moldovan Parliament passed the "Law on the Special Juridical Status of Gagauzia (Gagauz-Yeri)"
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)According to the first point of its declaration, the Gagauz Republic "is a sovereign, socialist, soviet and multinational state
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
.svg/1280px-Europe_(orthographic_projection).svg.png){kind=small}
.svg/1280px-Asia_(orthographic_projection).svg.png){kind=small}
