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Relaciones exteriores de Irán

La geografía es un factor importante para la política exterior de Irán . [1] Después de la Revolución iraní de 1979 , la recién formada República Islámica, bajo el liderazgo del Ayatolá Jomeini , revirtió drásticamente la política exterior pro-estadounidense del último Sha de Irán, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi . Dado que las políticas del país oscilaban entonces entre las dos tendencias opuestas del ardor revolucionario para eliminar las influencias occidentales no musulmanas mientras se promovía la revolución islámica en el extranjero, y el pragmatismo, que promovería el desarrollo económico y la normalización de las relaciones, las relaciones bilaterales pueden ser confusas y contradictorias.

Según datos publicados por el Reputation Institute , Irán es el segundo país con peor reputación internacional del mundo, justo por delante de Irak , y ha ocupado esa posición durante tres años consecutivos de 2016, 2017 y 2018. [2] [3] El islamismo y la proliferación nuclear son problemas recurrentes en las relaciones exteriores de Irán. En una serie de encuestas internacionales realizadas por Pew Research en 2012, solo un país (Pakistán) tenía la mayoría de su población apoyando el derecho de Irán a adquirir armas nucleares; todas las demás poblaciones encuestadas rechazaron abrumadoramente un Irán con armas nucleares (el 90-95% se opuso en los países europeos, norteamericanos y sudamericanos encuestados), y las mayorías en la mayoría de ellos estaban a favor de una acción militar para evitar que se materializara un Irán con armas nucleares. Además, la mayoría de los estadounidenses, brasileños, japoneses, mexicanos, egipcios, alemanes, británicos, franceses, italianos, españoles y polacos (entre otros grupos nacionales) apoyaron mayoritariamente "sanciones más duras" contra Irán, mientras que las mayorías en China , Rusia y Turquía se opusieron a sanciones más duras. [4]

Fondo

Los iraníes han sido tradicionalmente muy sensibles a la interferencia extranjera en su país, señalando eventos como la conquista rusa de partes del norte del país en el transcurso del siglo XIX, la concesión del tabaco , las ocupaciones británica y rusa de la Primera y Segunda Guerra Mundial, y el complot de la CIA para derrocar al Primer Ministro Mohammed Mosaddeq . Esta sospecha se manifiesta en actitudes que muchos extranjeros podrían encontrar incomprensibles, como la creencia "bastante común" de que la Revolución iraní fue en realidad el trabajo de una conspiración entre el clero chií de Irán y el gobierno británico. [5] Esto puede haber sido resultado del sesgo anti-Shah en las influyentes transmisiones persas de la BBC Radio en Irán: un informe de la BBC del 23 de marzo de 2009 explica que muchos en Irán vieron a la emisora ​​y al gobierno como uno solo, e interpretaron el sesgo a favor de Jomeini como evidencia del debilitamiento del apoyo del gobierno británico al Sha. Es completamente plausible que la BBC efectivamente ayudó a acelerar los acontecimientos revolucionarios. [6]

Periodo revolucionario bajo Jomeini

Durante el gobierno de Jomeini, la política exterior de Irán se centró a menudo en la eliminación de la influencia extranjera y la difusión de la revolución islámica, por encima de las relaciones entre Estados o el fomento del comercio. En palabras del propio Jomeini:

Exportaremos nuestra revolución al mundo entero. Hasta que el grito “No hay más Dios que Alá” resuene en todo el mundo, habrá lucha. [7]

Se considera que el esfuerzo de la República Islámica por difundir la revolución comenzó en serio en marzo de 1982, cuando 380 hombres de más de 25 naciones árabes e islámicas se reunieron en el antiguo Hotel Hilton de Teherán para un "seminario" sobre el "gobierno islámico ideal" y, menos académicamente, el lanzamiento de una ofensiva a gran escala para limpiar el mundo islámico de las influencias satánicas occidentales y comunistas que se consideraba que obstaculizaban el progreso del mundo islámico. La reunión de militantes, principalmente chiítas pero incluidos algunos sunitas , "con diversas credenciales religiosas y revolucionarias", fue organizada por la Asociación de Clérigos Militantes y la Guardia Revolucionaria Islámica Pasdaran. [8] El centro neurálgico de la cruzada revolucionaria, en funcionamiento desde poco después de la revolución de 1979, estaba situado en el centro de Teherán y era conocido por los forasteros como el "Centro Taleghani". Aquí se prepararon las bases para la reunión: la creación de cuadros árabes, reclutados o importados de los países vecinos, para difundir la revolución, y la provisión de sedes para grupos como el Frente Islámico para la Liberación de Bahréin, el movimiento chií iraquí y los clérigos militantes moros filipinos, kuwaitíes, saudíes, norteafricanos y libaneses.

Estos grupos estaban bajo el paraguas del "Consejo para la Revolución Islámica", que estaba supervisado por el ayatolá Hussein Ali Montazeri , el heredero designado del ayatolá Jomeini. La mayoría de los miembros del consejo eran clérigos, pero también se dice que incluían asesores de las agencias de inteligencia sirias y libias. Al parecer, el consejo recibía más de mil millones de dólares anuales en contribuciones de los fieles de otros países y en fondos asignados por el gobierno iraní. [9]

Su estrategia era doble: la lucha armada contra lo que se percibía como el imperialismo occidental y sus agentes; y un proceso de purificación interna para liberar el territorio islámico y las mentes musulmanas de influencias culturales, intelectuales y espirituales no islámicas, proporcionando justicia, servicios y recursos a las masas mustazafin (débiles) del mundo musulmán. Estos intentos de difundir su revolución islámica tensaron las relaciones del país con muchos de sus vecinos árabes, y la ejecución extrajudicial de disidentes iraníes en Europa puso nerviosas a las naciones europeas, en particular a Francia y Alemania. Por ejemplo, la República Islámica expresó su opinión sobre el gobierno secular de Egipto bautizando una calle de Teherán en honor al asesino del presidente egipcio Anwar Sadat, Khalid al-Istanbuli. [10] En ese momento, Irán se encontraba muy aislado, pero esto era una consideración secundaria ante la difusión de ideales revolucionarios a través del Golfo Pérsico y la confrontación con los EE. UU. (o el "Gran Satán") en la crisis de los rehenes de 1979-1981 .

Formación de voluntarios

Los voluntarios árabes y musulmanes que llegaron a Irán fueron entrenados en campamentos dirigidos por la Guardia Revolucionaria. Había tres bases principales en Teherán, y otras en Ahvaz , Isfahán , Qom , Shiraz y Mashhad , y otra instalación, reconvertida en 1984, cerca de la base naval meridional de Bushire. [11]

En 1981, Irán apoyó un intento de derrocar al gobierno de Bahréin , en 1983 expresó su apoyo político a los chiítas que bombardearon las embajadas occidentales en Kuwait y en 1987, los peregrinos iraníes se amotinaron por las malas condiciones de vida y el trato durante el Hajj (peregrinación) en La Meca , Arabia Saudita, y fueron masacrados en consecuencia. Las naciones con fuertes movimientos fundamentalistas, como Egipto y Argelia , también comenzaron a desconfiar de Irán. Con la invasión israelí del Líbano, se pensó que Irán apoyaba la creación de la organización Hizbulá . Además, Irán pasó a oponerse al proceso de paz árabe-israelí, porque veía a Israel como un país ilegal.

Guerra entre Irán e Irak

Las relaciones iraníes con Irak nunca han sido buenas. Empeoraron en 1980, cuando Irak invadió Irán. La razón declarada para la invasión iraquí fue la disputada soberanía sobre la vía fluvial Shatt al-Arab ( Arvand Rud en persa). Otras razones no declaradas fueron probablemente más importantes: Irán e Irak tenían antecedentes de interferencia en los asuntos del otro al apoyar movimientos separatistas, y aunque esta interferencia había cesado desde el Acuerdo de Argel .

Irán exigió la retirada de las tropas iraquíes de su territorio y el retorno al statu quo anterior en el Shatt al-Arab, tal como se había establecido en el Acuerdo de Argel. En ese período, Irán quedó aún más aislado, prácticamente sin aliados. Agotado por la guerra, Irán firmó la Resolución 598 del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU en julio de 1988, después de que Estados Unidos y Alemania comenzaran a suministrar armas químicas a Irak . El alto el fuego resultante de la resolución de la ONU se aplicó el 20 de agosto de 1988. Ninguno de los dos países había obtenido avances reales en la guerra, que dejó un millón de muertos y tuvo un efecto dramático en la política exterior del país. A partir de ese momento, la República Islámica reconoció que no tenía otra opción que moderar su enfoque radical y racionalizar sus objetivos. Éste fue el comienzo de lo que Anoushiravan Ehteshami llama la "fase de reorientación" de la política exterior iraní.

Pragmatismo

Al igual que otros estados revolucionarios, consideraciones prácticas han llevado a la República Islámica a veces a la inconsistencia y a la subordinación de preocupaciones ideológicas como la solidaridad panislámica. Un observador, Graham Fuller, ha calificado a la República Islámica de "increíblemente silenciosa".

sobre los chechenos [musulmanes] en la Rusia [no musulmana] , o los uigures en China, [12] simplemente porque el Estado iraní tiene importantes lazos estratégicos con China y Rusia que deben preservarse en beneficio del Estado. Sorprendentemente, Irán incluso ha apoyado a la Armenia cristiana en la Primera Guerra de Nagorno-Karabaj contra el Azerbaiyán chiita y ha tenido cuidado de no prestar demasiado apoyo a los tayikos islámicos en Tayikistán , donde el idioma es básicamente un dialecto del persa.

En este sentido, la República Islámica se asemeja a otro Estado revolucionario, la antigua Unión Soviética . La URSS no estaba comprometida ideológicamente con el Islam, sino con la revolución proletaria mundial , dirigida por partidos comunistas bajo su dirección, pero "con frecuencia abandonaba el apoyo a los partidos comunistas extranjeros cuando cooperar con los gobiernos que los oprimían servía a los intereses nacionales soviéticos". [13]

Período de posguerra (1988-actualidad)

El presidente Jatamí (en el cargo: 1997-2005) desempeñó un papel clave en la reparación de las relaciones exteriores de Irán con Europa.

Desde el fin de la guerra entre Irán e Irak, la nueva política exterior de Irán ha tenido un efecto dramático en su posición global. Las relaciones con la Unión Europea han mejorado notablemente, hasta el punto de que Irán es un importante exportador de petróleo y socio comercial de países como Italia , Francia y Alemania. China y la India también han surgido como amigos de Irán; estos tres países enfrentan desafíos similares en la economía global a medida que se industrializan y, en consecuencia, se encuentran alineados en una serie de cuestiones.

Irán mantiene relaciones diplomáticas y comerciales regulares con Rusia y las ex repúblicas soviéticas . Tanto Irán como Rusia consideran que tienen importantes intereses nacionales en juego en lo que respecta a los acontecimientos en Asia central y la región transcaucásica, en particular en lo que respecta a los recursos energéticos del mar Caspio.

Tratados históricos importantes

Políticas actuales

Ali Khamenei con el primer ministro sueco Stefan Löfven , 11 de febrero de 2017

La República Islámica del Irán concede prioridad a sus relaciones con los demás Estados de la región y con el resto del mundo islámico. Esto incluye un fuerte compromiso con la Organización de Cooperación Islámica (OCI) y el Movimiento de Países No Alineados . Las relaciones con los Estados del Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo (CCG), especialmente con Arabia Saudita , se caracterizan por la rivalidad y la hostilidad. Una disputa territorial no resuelta con los Emiratos Árabes Unidos sobre tres islas del Golfo Pérsico sigue empañando sus relaciones con estos Estados. Irán mantiene estrechas relaciones con Kuwait .

Irán busca nuevos aliados en todo el mundo debido a su creciente aislamiento político y económico en la comunidad internacional. [14] [15] Este aislamiento es evidente en las diversas sanciones económicas y el embargo petrolero de la UE que se han implementado en respuesta a las preguntas que se han planteado sobre el programa nuclear iraní . [16]

Teherán apoya al Consejo de Gobierno Provisional en Irak , pero aboga firmemente por una transferencia rápida y completa de la autoridad estatal al pueblo iraquí. Irán espera una estabilización en Afganistán y apoya el esfuerzo de reconstrucción para que los refugiados afganos en Irán (cuyo número es de aproximadamente 2,5 millones [17] ) puedan regresar a su patria y se pueda detener el flujo de drogas desde Afganistán. Irán también está siguiendo una política de estabilización y cooperación con los países del Cáucaso y Asia Central, con la que busca sacar provecho de su ubicación central para establecerse como el centro político y económico de la región.

En el escenario internacional, algunos han sostenido que Irán se ha convertido, o se convertirá en un futuro próximo, en una superpotencia debido a su capacidad para influir en los acontecimientos internacionales. Otros, como Robert Baer , ​​han sostenido que Irán ya es una superpotencia energética y está en camino de convertirse en un imperio. Flynt Leverett afirma que Irán es una potencia en ascenso que bien podría convertirse en una potencia nuclear en los próximos años, si Estados Unidos no impide que Irán adquiera tecnología nuclear, como parte de un gran acuerdo en virtud del cual Irán cesará sus actividades nucleares a cambio de una garantía de sus fronteras por parte de Estados Unidos. [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] [ 26] [27] [28] [29]

Disputas territoriales

Perspectivas energéticas del sur del Caspio (parte de Irán). Perfil del país 2004.

Políticas exteriores

Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores

El Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Irán es seleccionado por el Presidente de Irán .

Relaciones diplomáticas

Lista de países con los que Irán mantiene relaciones diplomáticas:

Relaciones bilaterales

África

En 2010, el ministro de Asuntos Exteriores, Manouchehr Mottaki , dijo que era un principio del gobierno impulsar los lazos con los estados africanos. [ cita requerida ] Algunas señales de desilusión comenzaron a surgir cuando 20 naciones africanas amenazaron con cerrar sus embajadas en Teherán después de lo que vieron como el fracaso de Ahmadinejad en cumplir las promesas que hizo durante sus viajes a África. [ 196 ] El gobierno iraní no se dejó disuadir por las desventuras, y algunos piensan que considera a los países africanos estratégicamente necesarios para permitirle recibir apoyo internacional para su muy criticado programa nuclear.

Américas

El comercio entre Irán y Brasil se cuadriplicó entre 2002 y 2007, y aumentará hasta cinco veces más, pasando de 2.000 millones a 10.000 millones de dólares anuales. Además de Brasil, Irán ha firmado docenas de acuerdos económicos con Bolivia, Cuba, Ecuador y Nicaragua. En Nicaragua, Irán y Venezuela han acordado invertir 350 millones de dólares en la construcción de un puerto marítimo de aguas profundas frente a la costa caribeña, además de un sistema de oleoductos, ferrocarriles y carreteras que atraviesen el país. [230] Las empresas iraníes también están planeando construir dos fábricas de cemento en Bolivia. Otros avances incluyen el acuerdo alcanzado con Ecuador para construir una fábrica de cemento, así como varios otros memorandos de entendimiento de cooperación industrial (2008). [231] En los cuatro años posteriores a que Ahmadinejad ascendiera a la presidencia iraní en 2005, Irán abrió seis nuevas embajadas en América Latina. Las nuevas embajadas están ubicadas en Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Nicaragua y Uruguay, además de las cinco que ya están en funcionamiento en Argentina, Brasil, Cuba, México y Venezuela. [232]

Asia

Europe

Oceania

International organization participation

Iran is the member of the following organizations: ALBA (observer), BRICS, Colombo Plan, UNESCAP, ECO, FAO, GECF, G-15, G-24, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICC, ICAO, IDA, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, IFC, IFAD, IHO, ILO, IMO, IMSO, IMF, IOC, IOM, ISO, International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, ITU, Interpol, IDB, NAM, OPEC, OPCW, OIC, PCA, SCO, SAARC (observer), UNESCO, UNCTAD, UNIDO, UNODC, United Nations, UPU, WCO WFTU, WHO, WMO, WTO (observer).

Notes

See also

References

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