Legislative elections were held in France on 10 and 17 June 2012 (and on other dates for small numbers of voters outside metropolitan France) to select the members of the 14th National Assembly of the Fifth Republic, a little over a month after the presidential election run-off held on 6 May.[1][2]
All 577 single member seats in the assembly, including those representing overseas departments and territories and French residents overseas, were contested using a two-round system.
The elections came a month after the presidential election won by François Hollande of the Socialist Party. Since 2002, legislative elections immediately follow the presidential ones. This was designed to limit the possibility of a cohabitation, whereby the President and their Prime Minister, backed by a parliamentary majority, would be of opposite parties. The aim was also to give the new president and their government a "double mandate", the election of the President being followed by that of a parliamentary majority enabling him to implement his policies.[3][4] This is what happened in 2002 and 2007.[5] Thus, in 2012, the Socialist Party has asked French citizens to "confirm" the result of the presidential election; Hollande's campaign director Pierre Moscovici argued it would not make sense to have elected a President only for him to be rendered "powerless" by the legislative election: "This President tomorrow must have a majority with which to govern". By contrast, the Union for a Popular Movement, on the right, has repeatedly asked that the left not be given "all the powers" through this election.[6][7][8][9] The legislative elections in France are often described as the "third round" of the presidential election.[5][7][9][10]
In order to make possible the election of some candidates of non-European ethnic background (North African, Subsaharan African and West Indian) as well as for female candidates, the Socialist Party had, like in 2007, reserved several constituencies for them, 22 for ethnic minorities and 49% for women.[11][12][13]
At the end of the second round, there were 13 metropolitan deputies with non-European ethnic background, including two government members (Kader Arif, former MEP, and George Pau-Langevin, already deputy since 2007) who will be replaced by their alternate candidates:
Among the 11 deputies who represent French citizens abroad, one is from Réunion, Corinne Narassiguin (PS), another has Chilean roots, Sergio Coronado (EELV) and a third one has Iranian roots, Pouria Amirshahi (PS).
A total of 6,603 candidates ran for the 577 seats, an average of 11 per constituency. Some 40% are women.[14] The law mandates that every party must have between 49 and 51% of women among its candidates, or have their public funding significantly reduced. "Some parties, among the richest, prefer to pay the fine" rather than comply with this rule, according to Libération.[15][better source needed] The law also does not take electability into account, and significant numbers of women candidates run in constituencies where their party does not stand a real chance.
French expatriates elected their own MPs for the first time – voting early, from 23 to 26 May or on 2 or 3 June for the first round and from 6 to 12 June or on 16 or 17 June for the second, depending on their location and the method by which they cast their ballot. If an expatriate votes via the Internet, he or she has a week to do so from 23 to 26 May. A postal ballot may be cast, if received by 31 May in the Americas or by 1 June in the rest of the world. Those who prefer to vote in person in their local consulate must do so on 2 June in the Americas or 3 June in the rest of the world.[16][17]
Cada uno de los 577 distritos electorales elige un representante a la Asamblea Nacional, en una elección de dos vueltas. Un candidato es elegido en la primera vuelta si obtiene una mayoría absoluta de los votos en su distrito electoral y los votos de al menos una cuarta parte de todos los votantes registrados en el distrito electoral. Si un gran número de votantes se abstiene, una mayoría absoluta de los votos puede no ser suficiente, aunque esto rara vez sucede. (En la elección de 2012, un ejemplo sorprendente fue en el tercer distrito electoral de Martinica , donde el diputado en ejercicio Serge Letchimy del Partido Progresista Martinicano recibió el 63,29% de los votos, pero no logró ser elegido inmediatamente debido a una participación muy baja (30,67%). [18] ) Si ningún candidato es elegido en la primera vuelta, entonces los dos candidatos que terminaron primero y segundo en la primera vuelta pasan automáticamente a la segunda para una segunda vuelta. A ellos puede unirse el candidato que quede en tercer o cuarto lugar; La segunda vuelta está abierta a cualquier candidato que haya obtenido los votos de al menos el 12,5% de los votantes registrados en el distrito electoral. [19] Por lo tanto, una baja participación reduce la probabilidad de una segunda vuelta entre tres personas (conocida en Francia como triangulaire ). En la segunda vuelta, el candidato que obtiene más votos es elegido; no se requiere una mayoría absoluta. (En el improbable caso de un empate, el candidato de mayor edad es elegido.) [20]
Candidates who advance to the second round have the option of withdrawing. Usually this happens in a triangulaire, where the party and/or candidate that finished third in the first round prefers to favour one of the two leading candidates. In the 2012 election, for example, third-placed UMP candidate Roland Chassain in the Bouches-du-Rhône's 16th constituency withdrew in order to help the National Front candidate defeat the Socialist candidate.[21] In addition, the parties of the mainstream left (Socialist, Greens, Left Front, Radical Party of the Left, various smaller parties) have a long-standing agreement whereby they do not stand against one another in the second round. If two of them advance to the second round in the same constituency, the less-well-placed of the two automatically withdraws. In some cases, this means a triangulaire is avoided, and the left is united against a single right-wing candidate. In the 2012 election, for example, in the Hauts-de-Seine's 11th constituency, incumbent MP and Left Front candidate Marie-Hélène Amiable narrowly finished second (29.20%) behind Socialist candidate Julie Sommaruga (29.93%). Amiable withdrew, supporting Sommaruga in her runoff against New Centre candidate Jean-Loup Metton, who had finished third in the first round with enough support to advance to the second (24.15%). In other cases, this rule means that only one candidate remains in the "second round". Thus, Socialist Najia Amzal withdrew in favour of Left Front candidate and incumbent MP Marie-George Buffet in Seine-Saint-Denis's 4th constituency; Left Front candidate Patrick Le Hyaric withdrew in favour of Socialist candidate Élisabeth Guigou in Seine-Saint-Denis's 6th constituency; Left Front candidate and incumbent MP Pierre Gosnat withdrew in favour of Citizen and Republican Movement candidate Jean-Luc Laurent in the Val-de-Marne's 10th constituency; and Green candidate Stéphane Gatignon withdrew in front of the Left Front's incumbent MP François Asensi in Seine-Saint-Denis's 4th constituency. In all these cases, no candidate of the right, centre or far right had reached the second round, meaning that the best-placed and sole remaining left-wing candidate was guaranteed to be elected in a one-person "runoff".[22]
En 2010, el Consejo Constitucional aprobó la primera redistribución de los límites electorales desde 1986 para reflejar la cambiante demografía de Francia . La proporción de población entre los distritos electorales más poblados y los menos poblados se redujo de 1:3,6 a 1:2. [23] Un estudio de Regards Citoyens indicó que el número de escaños aumentó en las áreas ocupadas por la coalición de centroderecha liderada por el entonces gobernante UMP a expensas de la coalición de oposición liderada por los socialistas . [24]
Oficialmente, el doble propósito de la redistribución de distritos era asegurar un número más equitativo de votantes por circunscripción, pero también proporcionar escaños en la Asamblea Nacional a los ciudadanos franceses residentes en el extranjero. Se abolieron treinta y tres circunscripciones y se crearon treinta y tres nuevas. De estas últimas, diecinueve estaban en Francia, mientras que el resto del mundo se dividió en once circunscripciones para los franceses residentes en el extranjero . [25] [26]
El Partido Socialista pretendía obtener una mayoría parlamentaria con la que implementar sus políticas. Si la izquierda hubiera ganado en general, se habrían dado tres escenarios posibles:
The Union for a Popular Movement officially aimed to win the election. Its primary stated aim, however, was to obtain enough seats to prevent the left from having the 3/5ths Congress majority which would enable it to adopt constitutional reforms (such as granting the right to vote to foreign residents in local elections). The UMP's task was complicated by the popularity of the far-right National Front, which the polls indicated could obtain enough support to reach the second round in a large number of constituencies, thus splitting the right-wing vote. (Under French electoral law, in legislative elections, a third party advances to the second round if it obtains the votes of at least 12.5% of registered voters – i.e., including those who abstain.)[27]
The Left Front aimed to have a sizable group in Parliament, with which to have meaningful influence on the policies of the Socialist government.[27]
The National Front aimed to obtain seats in the Assembly; it had none prior to the election. A secondary aim was to "sow chaos in the UMP" by maintaining candidates in the second round and thus causing the UMP potentially to lose seats. The National Front's stated aim was eventually to replace the UMP as the main party of the right – though opinion polls credit the UMP with at least 209 seats, and the National Front with 8 at most, possibly none at all.[27]
Europe Ecology – The Greens aimed to form an official parliamentary group, which requires having fifteen members in the Assembly. It had only three members prior to the election.[27]
The Democratic Movement aimed to preserve its three seats, although its earlier ambitions were much higher. Opinion polls suggest the party may disappear from the Assembly completely, and is unlikely to obtain any additional seats.[27]
In all, twelve parties or alliances stood more than a hundred candidates. The Socialist Party had 459 candidates, and endorsed candidates of allied parties in other constituencies. The UMP had 501 candidates, and endorsed candidates of allied parties (most notably the New Centre) in 69 other constituencies. The Left Front had 531 candidates. Europe Ecologie-The Greens had 465. Marine Le Pen's "Marine Blue Gathering" had 571 candidates, and was thus present in all but six constituencies. Most of these candidates were members of the National Front; others were from small, allied extreme right parties. François Bayrou's "Centre for France" alliance had 340 candidates, most of whom were members of the Democratic Movement.[28]
Also standing over a hundred candidates were:[28]
With the prospect of National Front candidates reaching the second round alongside the mainstream candidates of the left and right in a number of constituencies, the Socialist Party announced that it would withdraw its candidate from the second round in those constituencies, if and only if it appeared that the National Front candidate had a realistic prospect of winning. In such cases, the Socialists would support the UMP candidate as part of a "republican front" against the far right. The UMP, by contrast, refrained from saying it would withdraw and support a Socialist candidate in those same circumstances.[29]
Instead, 64% of UMP voters said they would favour an alliance between their own party and the extreme right for the legislative election.[30] Leading figures of the UMP rejected the possibility. Chantal Jouanno said she was worried it might be under consideration, leading party leader Jean-François Copé to assure her publicly "there will never be an alliance with the National Front".[31] Two days before the first round, Alain Juppé called upon party members to resist the "temptation" of local alliances with the far right, arguing on "moral", "pragmatic" and "tactical grounds", highlighting ideological and policy incompatibility and the National Front's stated aim to "break" and replace the UMP.[32]
The day after the first round, the UMP officially announced its position. The party told its candidates not to withdraw if they had entered the second round in third place behind a Socialist candidate and a candidate of the National Front. In addition, in constituencies where the second round was a runoff between the left and the National Front, the UMP would not support either candidate.[33] Roland Chassain, UMP candidate in the Bouches-du-Rhône's 16th constituency, immediately disobeyed the party line, announcing he was withdrawing from the second round and supporting the National Front candidate. He explained that he considered himself "closer to Marine Le Pen than to the Socialist Party".[21] In the Gard's 2nd constituency, third-placed UMP candidate Etienne Mourrut also publicly considered defying party instructions and withdrawing in favour of National Front candidate Gilbert Collard. Ultimately, he decided to comply with party instructions and remain in the race.[34]
Simultaneously, Nadine Morano (UMP), government minister from 2008 and 2012, asked National Front voters in her constituency to support her on the grounds of the "shared values" between the right and the far right,[35] while UMP mayor of Nice Christian Estrosi stated that the UMP has "no common values" with the Socialist Party.[36] On 12 June, Morano published an interview in the far right newspaper Minute, calling for "as large a gathering as possible of the right".[37][38] Another UMP candidate, Jean-Paul Garraud, stated that his party and the National Front had "common beliefs", a statement which was criticised by Alain Juppé as being "in total contradiction" with the stated position of the UMP.[39]
Martine Aubry, the leader of the Socialist Party, said that her party, by contrast, would support candidates of the right against the far right, as a "Republican principle". In Vaucluse's 3rd constituency, she therefore asked Socialist candidate Catherine Arkilovitch, who had entered the second round in third place (21.98%), to withdraw and support second-placed UMP candidate Jean-Michel Ferrand (30.03%), so as to help defeat National Front candidate Marion Marechal-Le Pen (34.63%).[40] Arkilovitch, however, defied her party and refused to withdraw.[41]
Pierre Moscovici, Socialist Minister of Finance, stated on 12 June that the UMP had lost its way and its values and no longer knew what it stood for, in response to its position on the National Front.[42] Later that same day, Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault accused the UMP of "preparing a strategic alliance with the National Front", adding: "I think it was underway with Nicolas Sarkozy, but now the UMP really is at a turning point".[43]
The official campaign began, in metropolitan France, on 21 May. In every constituency, each candidate has a billboard outside every polling station, upon which to display a campaign poster. Campaign material is also distributed by candidates' supporters in the streets and in letterboxes, and many campaign posters are illegally displayed in the streets. Transmitting campaign material to voters by e-mail is, however, prohibited. Nationwide, parties represented in the National Assembly prior to the election (i.e., the Union for a Popular Movement, the Socialist, Radical, Citizen and Miscellaneous Left parliamentary group, the Democratic and Republican Left parliamentary group, and the New Centre) have the right to broadcast campaign clips on television; an hour and a half is provided for the outgoing parliamentary majority, and an hour and a half for the outgoing opposition. Each side distributes this time as it sees fit between its constituent parties. Parties which are not represented in Parliament but which are standing at least 75 candidates are entitled to seven minutes of broadcast each. Any campaigning whatsoever is forbidden on the eve of the election.[44][45]
The leaflets of the candidates for the French nationals abroad (Français établis à l'étranger) seats were published online on the website of the Foreign Affairs Ministry.[46][47]
The election was won by the left, providing the new government with an absolute parliamentary majority. The parties of the presidential majority together have 55.97% of seats; with the Left Front providing them with supply and confidence. Among the 577 members of the Assembly, 234 were new. A record number of women were elected: 155 (26.86%). Turnout was 57.23%, a record low.[48] Wallis and Futuna's single constituency had the highest turnout of any French electorate during the first round on 10 June, with 78% voter participation.[49]
The Socialist Party (along with a small number of affiliated miscellaneous left candidates) obtained 300 seats, an absolute majority. Favoured by electoral alliances with the Socialist Party, its close allies, the Radical Party of the Left and the Citizen and Republican Movement, obtained respectively 13 and 2 seats, for a total of 315. This meant that the Socialists could govern without having to rely on the support of other left-wing parties – the Greens, or the Left Front.[50][51]
Europe Ecology – The Greens (EELV), part of the government and of the presidential majority, also benefited from an electoral alliance with the Socialists, increasing its number of seats from just 4 to 18. (They immediately lost one, however, as EELV leader Cécile Duflot had to relinquish her seat in order to stay in government, and her seat went to her Socialist running mate.) This enabled the Greens to form an official parliamentary group. They become the third biggest party in the Assembly.[50][51]
The Left Front, which decided to stand alone after electoral alliance negotiations with the Socialists broke down, lost half its seats (from 19 down to 10), despite a substantial increase in the number of votes its received. It no longer has enough seats (15) to be recognised as a parliamentary group on its own,[52] but formed a group (the Democratic and Republican Left) with five miscellaneous left representatives from French overseas departments and territories: Huguette Bello (representing her own "For Réunion" movement; she is a dissident who left the Communist Party of Réunion shortly before the election[53]), Alfred Marie-Jeanne and Jean Philippe Nilor (Martinican Independence Movement), Gabriel Serville (Guianese Socialist Party), and Bruno Nestor Azérot (independent left, from Martinique).[54]
La Unión por un Movimiento Popular (y sus candidatos afiliados de derecha), ahora el principal partido de oposición, perdió 112 escaños y varios de sus miembros destacados fueron derrotados. En particular, 20 de los 41 miembros de la facción de "derecha popular" (derecha dura) del partido que se presentaba a la reelección perdieron sus escaños, en particular, Eric Raoult y Maryse Joissains-Masini . [50] Inmediatamente después de la derrota, los principales miembros del partido pidieron un replanteamiento de su posicionamiento y una reafirmación de sus valores. Alain Juppé afirmó que la UMP debería dejar clara su incompatibilidad con el Frente Nacional; François Baroin y Jean-Pierre Raffarin expresaron la misma opinión, añadiendo que la fuerte "deriva hacia la derecha" de la UMP y su creciente proximidad con las ideas de la extrema derecha habían sido un error. Sin embargo, el líder del partido Jean-François Copé respondió que no estaba de acuerdo con estas opiniones. [55]
El Movimiento Democrático (MoDem) perdió a su líder, François Bayrou , derrotado en su propia circunscripción por su contrincante socialista. El número de miembros del partido en la Asamblea cayó de 3 a 2: Jean Lassalle (reelegido en los Pirineos Atlánticos ) y Thierry Robert (que obtuvo un escaño de la UMP en La Reunión ). [56] (En Mayotte , el diputado titular del MoDem Abdoulatifou Aly fue eliminado con una puntuación aplastantemente baja en la primera vuelta. [57] ) La derrota de Bayrou fue vista como un golpe potencialmente paralizante no solo para su propia carrera, sino para el partido que había fundado y para el centro en la política francesa en general. [58] Más aún porque los dos partidos de centroderecha, el Nuevo Centro y el Partido Radical, perdieron escaños, a pesar de una alianza electoral con la UMP. La representación del Nuevo Centro en la Asamblea pasó de 25 a 14 miembros, lo que significa que ya no sería reconocido como grupo parlamentario en sí mismo. El Partido Radical obtuvo sólo 9 escaños. [56]
The far right obtained representatives in the Assembly for the first time since the 1997 election. Party leaders Marine Le Pen and Louis Aliot were defeated, as was party spokesman Florian Philippot, but Le Pen's 22-year-old niece Marion Maréchal-Le Pen was elected in Carpentras, benefiting from a split opposition due to Socialist candidate Catherine Arkilovitch's refusal, in defiance of party instructions, to withdraw in support of the better-placed UMP candidate. Marine Le Pen's lawyer Gilbert Collard, who is not a member of the National Front but was endorsed by it, was also elected, giving the party two seats (for the first time in twenty-four years). In addition, a former member of the National Front and Movement for France, and now independent far right politician, Jacques Bompard, was elected in a constituency neighbouring Maréchal-Le Pen's, in the Vaucluse.[50]
In overseas departments and territories, several local parties gained or maintained representation. The Guianese Socialist Party won a seat, returning to the Assembly for the first time since 1993. Its MP, Gabriel Serville, was initially to sit with the Socialists, before opting to sit with the Left Front.[59] This was widely seen as a "goodwill gesture" by the Socialist Party, meant to enable the Left Front to pass the 15-member threshold required to form a parliamentary caucus of their own (instead of sitting as "non-aligned" members, which would have resulted in a considerable loss of financial and logistical means). The Martinican Independence Movement obtained two seats (up one from the previous election).[60] Boinali Said, leader of the miscellaneous left "Movement against the high cost of living", won one of the two available seats in Mayotte.[61] In New Caledonia, both seats were won by the centre-right, anti-independence Caledonia Together party, which gained them from the UMP.[62] In French Polynesia, the conservative, pro-autonomy but anti-independence Tahoeraʻa Huiraatira won all three seats.[63]
The far left parties, as well as the Pirate Party and the small environmentalist parties, failed to reach the second round in any constituency.[64]
Based on notional party affiliation on dissolution after redistricting, regardless of party affiliation on previous election.
Based on notional distribution of seats before dissolution and after the 2010 redistricting, 149 seats switched party (26% of the National Assembly, more than in any of the three previous elections). 8 seats switched from the left to the right, 9 from the extreme-left to the left, 119 from the right to the left, 3 from the right to the extreme-right, 3 from the right to the extreme-left, 2 from Modem to the left, 1 from the right to Modem. Four seats switched party within the left (two from PS to PRG, one from PRG to PS, one from PS to EELV) as a result of coalition agreements.
It is not compulsory in France for a government minister to obtain an electoral mandate, but ministers usually do seek the legitimacy it implies. As no person may simultaneously be a member of the executive and the legislature, any government minister elected to Parliament must immediately resign from their newly obtained seat in the Assembly, in order to remain a minister.[65] Their running mate then takes their seat, and holds it until and unless they cease to be a minister, whereupon they revert to being a member of the Assembly. Prior to the 2012 election, new Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault ruled that any minister who stood in the election and was beaten would have to resign from government. Two ministers, Najat Vallaud-Belkacem and Christiane Taubira, opted to withdraw their candidacies in their respective constituencies. Twenty-five ministers (including Ayrault) did decide to stand, while the remaining eight had never expressed an intention to do so.[66]
All government ministers standing as candidates were elected or re-elected, and were thus able to remain in government. Specifically, they fared as follows:[67]
Other notable national political figures fared as follows:[67][71]
Elected or re-elected:
Golpeado :
Estos distritos electorales atrajeron un interés especial de los medios de comunicación, ya sea porque un candidato destacado se enfrentaba a dificultades inesperadas, o por el contrario, a una carrera inesperadamente fácil, o porque se esperaba un cambio significativo y significativo en la suerte de un partido. Libération publicó una lista de "veinticinco distritos electorales a tener en cuenta", con comentarios. [72] France 24 identificó once "distritos electorales a tener en cuenta". [73]
Por primera vez, dos candidatos importantes [74] de las elecciones presidenciales se presentaron en el mismo distrito electoral para las elecciones legislativas. Jean-Luc Mélenchon ( Frente de Izquierda ) y Marine Le Pen ( Frente Nacional ) se presentan en el distrito electoral 11 de Pas-de-Calais , centrado en la ciudad de Hénin-Beaumont . La diputada en ejercicio, Odette Duriez del Partido Socialista , no se presenta a la reelección; el candidato socialista es Philippe Kemel. [75] El duelo Le Pen-Mélenchon atrajo la atención de los medios internacionales, incluso por lo que reveló sobre las actitudes y expectativas en una zona del norte de Francia duramente golpeada por la desindustrialización y el desempleo. The Guardian señaló que, a ese respecto, "Mélenchon culpa a lo que él ve como un capitalismo de libre mercado pernicioso y a los banqueros; Le Pen señala con el dedo a los inmigrantes y a Europa". [76] [77] [78] [79] [80] [81] [82]
En la primera vuelta, Le Pen ganó por mayoría simple, mientras que el voto de izquierdas se dividió: el candidato socialista Philippe Kemel obtuvo más votos que Mélenchon. Los tres candidatos se clasificaron para la segunda vuelta, pero Mélenchon se retiró y apoyó a Kemel para la segunda vuelta. Kemel ganó el escaño por un estrecho margen (que retuvo para el Partido Socialista) con el 50,1% de los votos, derrotando a Marine Le Pen. [83]
También se llamó la atención sobre la segunda circunscripción de los Pirineos Atlánticos , donde el candidato presidencial François Bayrou del centrista Movimiento Democrático esperaba conservar su escaño. Bayrou había ocupado el escaño de forma continua desde 1988, pero la prensa planteó la posibilidad de que esta vez pudiera ser derrotado. Hasta 2002, la derecha dominante no había presentado un candidato contra él, y en 2007 el candidato de la Unión por un Movimiento Popular se había retirado a su favor en la segunda vuelta. Sin embargo, tras el apoyo personal de Bayrou a François Hollande para la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de 2012, la UMP mantuvo un candidato en su contra. También tuvo que enfrentarse a un oponente socialista , a pesar de que se había hablado en el Partido Socialista de no presentar un candidato en su circunscripción, como un gesto de reconocimiento por su apoyo a Hollande. [85]
Bayrou fue derrotado y el escaño quedó en manos de la candidata socialista Nathalie Chabanne. [86]
En la primera circunscripción de Charente-Maritime , ningún candidato de derecha, centro o extrema derecha pasó a la segunda vuelta. La segunda vuelta se disputó entre Ségolène Royal , candidata del Partido Socialista a las presidenciales de 2007 (que obtuvo el 32,03% en la primera vuelta) y un socialista disidente, Olivier Falorni (28,91%). [88]
Falorni ganó el escaño, derrotando a Royal por un margen cómodo. [89]
En la 4ª circunscripción de París , una zona acomodada , se produjo la situación opuesta: los dos candidatos que se clasificaron para la segunda vuelta eran ambos de derechas: Bernard Debré, por la UMP (45,07% en la primera vuelta), y Brigitte Kuster , disidente de la UMP (23,01%). Sin embargo, inmediatamente después de la primera vuelta, Kuster se retiró. No obstante, hubo una segunda vuelta, pero con un solo candidato, que simplemente necesitaba recibir un voto para ser elegido. [91] Esta configuración también se produjo en varias circunscripciones de izquierdas (véase la subsección "El sistema electoral de dos vueltas", más adelante).
La circunscripción 9 de Hauts-de-Seine , tradicionalmente un escaño muy seguro para la derecha, planteó dificultades inesperadas al candidato de la UMP y ex ministro del Interior Claude Guéant . Un miembro disidente de la UMP, Thierry Solere , impugnó su legitimidad, se presentó contra él y llegó a la segunda vuelta, precipitando una segunda vuelta a tres bandas entre dos candidatos de la derecha y uno de la izquierda. [92] [93]
Solere ganó el escaño por un estrecho margen, obteniendo votos de la izquierda, dada la impopularidad de Gueant en ese sector. El porcentaje total de votos para los candidatos de izquierda fue del 28% en la primera vuelta, más el 4% para el candidato de Modem. [94]
Esta circunscripción ha llamado la atención por el comportamiento y la situación de la candidata de la UMP Nadine Morano , que fue ministra de Formación Profesional en el gobierno de François Fillon de 2010 a 2012. Quedó segunda en la primera vuelta (34,33 %) por detrás del candidato socialista Dominique Potier (39,29 %) y, con la esperanza de obtener más votos en la segunda, apeló explícitamente a los electores del eliminado Frente Nacional, en nombre de los "valores comunes" en lo que ella llamó un "duelo entre la derecha y la izquierda". Definió sus valores comunes con los electores de extrema derecha como "el control de la inmigración, el rechazo a dar a los extranjeros el derecho a votar" y "la protección de nuestras fronteras". Después de haber publicado un llamamiento en un periódico de extrema derecha, el Primer Ministro Jean-Marc Ayrault y la líder de los Verdes y ministra de Vivienda Cécile Duflot calificaron su comportamiento como sintomático de un preocupante desplazamiento de una parte de la derecha hacia la extrema derecha; Ayrault la acusó de renunciar a los valores de su partido para intentar salvar su escaño. [95] [96] Su situación volvió a ser noticia cuando el humorista Gérald Dahan la llamó por teléfono, haciéndose pasar por el vicepresidente del Frente Nacional Louis Aliot , y la grabó expresando su simpatía y cercanía al Frente Nacional. François Fillon la reprendió públicamente por no haber colgado inmediatamente, diciendo "no hablamos con los líderes del Frente Nacional. Debemos rechazar todas las formas de extremismo". Morano contraatacó, diciéndole que ella era una "política libre". [97] [98]
Morano, la actual candidata, perdió su escaño ante el candidato socialista Dominique Potier por un margen del 10%. [99]
Marie-Arlette Carlotti , ministra adjunta para las personas con discapacidad, se presentó en esta circunscripción contra el titular de la UMP Renaud Muselier , que había ocupado el escaño desde 1993. En el papel, los medios informaron que, de los veintiséis ministros que se presentaban a las elecciones legislativas, ella parecía la que tenía menos posibilidades de ganar en su circunscripción. Si hubiera perdido, habría tenido que dimitir del gobierno. Fue elegida con el 51,8%, un resultado que también se describió como de gran impacto en la política local de Marsella . Como ministra, no podría sentarse en el Parlamento; mientras permanezca en el gobierno, su escaño será para su compañero de fórmula, Avi Assouly, famoso localmente como ex presentador de fútbol en la radio. [100] [101]
Además de Marine Le Pen, Jean-Luc Mélenchon y François Bayrou, tres candidatos de la elección presidencial se presentaron a estas elecciones legislativas. Nicolas Dupont-Aignan ( Levántate la República ) terminó primero en la primera vuelta en el distrito 8 de Essonne , con el 42,82% de los votos, dirigiéndose a una segunda vuelta con la candidata socialista Aude Bristot (30,2%), y eliminando al candidato de la UMP Laurent Béteille (9,52%). [103] En el distrito 5 de Gironda , Philippe Poutou ( Nuevo Partido Anticapitalista ) terminó octavo y, por lo tanto, fue eliminado en la primera vuelta, recibiendo solo el 2,12% de los votos. [104] En la circunscripción 6 de Seine-Saint-Denis , Nathalie Arthaud ( Lucha Obrera ) terminó en sexto lugar con un 2,47%, muy por detrás de la actual ministra socialista y ex ministra de Asuntos Sociales Élisabeth Guigou (46,12%) y del director de l'Humanité , Patrick Le Hyaric , del Frente de Izquierda (17,33%). [105]